John Floyd Hull

John Floyd Hull

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Wheaton claims that the "French Connection" to the U.S. "Irangate" includes then Senator Dan Quayle, President George Bush's choice for vice-president in 1988. According to Wheaton, a major source of Quayle's political power in Indiana, his home state, is a longtime associate of former CIA director William Casey, Beurt SerVaas. SerVaas, Wheaton says, was on the Executive Board of the Veterans of the O.S.S. (the predecessor organization to the CIA), which "runs the CIA from behind the scenes. " SerVaas's daughter, Joan, according to Wheaton, is married to an "off-the-books" French intelligence asset and Indiana resident, Bernard Marie. In 1982, Wheaton claims to have introduced Marie to Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) officials who then played a key role in the Reagan-Bush Administration's secret deliveries of U.S. arms to Iran in the 1980's.54 DIA was one of the military intelligence agencies that was uninterested in prosecuting Colonel Ralph Broman for his arms dealings with the Khomeini regime out of Paris in the early to mid 1980's.

Oliver North's courier in the Iran/Contra operation, Robert Owen, was introduced to another Indianan, John Hull, and to Contra commander Luis Rivas in Senator Dan Quayle's office on July 21, 1983, when Owen was Quayle's legislative aide. Senator Quayle reportedly stayed for the beginning of the meeting.55 That summer, Quayle authorized Owen to travel to Hull's ranch in Costa Rica at Hull's expense. The ranch was being used by the CIA as a military supply site for the Nicaraguan Contra rebels, a relationship that continued throughout the period during which "profits" from the administration's secret arms sales to Iran were illegally diverted to the Contras. In November 1983, Robert Owen left the staff of Senator Dan Quayle and went to work for Oliver North's "Project Democracy," which oversaw secret U.S. arms shipments to both the Contras and to Iran.

Considering Senator Quayle's reported link to French intelligence through Beurt SerVaas and Bernard Marie, and his link to Oliver North's "Project Democracy" through their mutual aide Robert Owen, it is more than likely that Mr. Quayle had also been made aware of secret U.S. arms shipments to Iran in the first years of the Reagan-Bush Administration. If so, it is probable that he was also privy to the genesis of those early arms deliveries to the Khomeini regime in alleged pre-1980-election meetings among future CIA director William Casey, Iranian representatives, and French intelligence agents. According to Gene Wheaton, "SerVaas brought Quayle into the Casey network early in the game."

As North was trying to bridge the gap in contra aid until official funds were resumed, his activities were the subject of a second wave of media speculation and congressional inquiry. Newspaper and television accounts of North's involvement with contra resupply coincided with the House's June 1986 debate on contra aid. Earlier, Representative Ron Coleman introduced a Resolution of Inquiry directing the President to provide information and documents to the House about NSC staff contacts with private persons or foreign governments involved in contra resupply; any contra, involving contra military activities; and Robert Owen, Maj. Gen. Singlaub, and an American expatriate living in Costa Rica, John Hull.

Coleman's resolution prompted the chairmen of the House Intelligence and Foreign Affairs committees to request comments from the President. Poindexter replied on behalf of the President and knowingly repeated McFarlane's earlier lie that NSC staff "were in compliance with both the spirit and letter" of the Boland Amendments.

Not satisfied with Poindexter's response, members of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence asked to meet with North. North met with 11 members of the Committee on August 6, 1986, assuring the group that he had not violated the spirit or the letter of the Boland Amendment. He also denied that he had raised funds for the contras, offered them military advice, or had contacts with Owen that were more than "casual." North's responses satisfied the Committee and effectively killed Coleman's resolution. After learning of North's false and misleading remarks to the Committee, Poindexter replied to North, "Well done."

While he endeavored to hide his activities from the Congress in the summer of 1986, North was becoming progressively more explicit in his discussions with other U.S. officials about what he was doing for the contras. His efforts to sell "his planes" to the CIA were only the beginning. On August 28, 1986, during a breakfast with the RIG at the offices of Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs Richard Armitage, North ran through a list of his contra activities, including his cash payments to contra leaders and organizations, provisions of food, and money for air operations. North's question for the RIG was simple: Should he continue his efforts? Fiers told North yes.

The Enterprise was pushing ahead on an accelerated schedule of deliveries in August and September 1986. Crews were making more sorties into both northern and southern Nicaragua, some during daylight hours. San Jose station chief Fernandez, who was in direct contact with Quintero, ordered CIA personnel to relay drop zone and other information to contra forces on the Southern Front, as well as report news of deliveries.this"including dissolving Udall and covering its tracks.

On April 25, 1985, a group of Costa Rican rural guardsmen led by a Colonel Badilla walked into a remote contra training camp hidden in dense jungle three miles from the border and picked up five gringo trainers. The mercenaries, who had always enjoyed cordial relations with Costa Rican law enforcement, were surprised and shocked to be driven straight to La Reforma prison in San Jose and charged with violating Costa Rican neutrality and possession of explosives. They had not only trained contra fighters, but had themselves fought inside Nicaragua.

The two Americans, two Englishmen, and one Frenchman had considered themselves part of an operation sanctioned by the U.S. government and were angry that they should be sacrificed to satisfy political appearances. The night before, word had come over the Voice of America on the camp radio that Congress had once again turned down military aid to the contras.

Once they realized the seriousness of their predicament, that they faced a trial and a five-year mandatory sentence, the group split on whether they should start talking publicly about what they knew. Three of the mercenaries, a crusty former Florida highway patrolman named Robert Thompson, a Frenchman named Claude Chaffard, and an Englishman named John Davies, were resolved to sit tight and keep their mouths shut. After two months of rice and beans in their third-world jail, however, the remaining pair, Steven Carr, a middle-class twenty-six-year-old from Naples, Florida, and Peter Glibbery, a British army veteran, eventually decided that they had been betrayed and abandoned. They started talking to the local and international press.

It was an extraordinary story; so extraordinary indeed that no one paid any attention. At least one taped interview, recorded in July 1985 for a major American network, sat gathering dust on a shelf for months before anyone bothered to look at it. The fact that the U.S. embassy in Costa Rica routinely told inquiring journalists that the mercenaries' tale was pure make-believe did not help their credibility.

In summary, their story was that that they had been working for an American named John Hull, who owned or managed eight thousand acres along the Nicaraguan border and was one of the largest ranchers in Costa Rica. Hull, insisted Carr and Glibbery, had told them explicitly that he was the "FDN-CIA liaison in Costa Rica." Hull had also told them that he was receiving ten thousand dollars a month from the National Security Council to maintain and supply two contra camps. One of these, where the mercenaries had been arrested, was on Hull's land. The other lay just inside Nicaragua, near the Costa Rican border town of Los Chiles.

Glibbery talked about a tall, boyish visitor from Washington named Robert Owen who had gone with him and Hull to redirect a contra arms supply plane that had landed at the wrong airstrip. Glibbery had asked Owen who the plane's pilots were. "Salvadoran air force," was the casual reply. "Wow, what a jacked-up operation," the mercenary had thought at the time.

Carr recounted how he had been brought to Hull's ranch via Fort Lauderdale, in Florida, where he had joined a chartered aircraft loaded with six tons of weapons. The plane had flown to the Salvadoran air base of Ilopango, where U.S. military had watched as the cargo was unloaded by Salvadoran military personnel for transshipment to the southern contra front.

Hull was the "boss" of the war in that area, the mercenaries insisted. Not only was he directing military operations for the group taking over from Pastora, he was also, according to the mercenaries, paying the commanders. The money, they had been told, was coming from the National Security Council. They were less sure of the role of the mysterious Robert Owen, the visitor who had seemed so well briefed on the arms deliveries. "He seemed like a messenger from Washington," thought Glibbery.

All the time the two prisoners were recounting their bizarre tale to unreceptive audiences, they were under tremendous pressure both from their fellow mercenaries and from rancher Hull to change their story. Hull, they said, suggested that if they would agree to say they had been paid by local journalists, agents of the Nicaraguan government, the Cubans, and/or the KGB to spread such lies, they would get food parcels and legal help. A friend of Hull's, an Illinois rancher, delivered a sterner warning: Their lives were in danger. They talked too much. John Hull meanwhile told anyone who would listen that the mercenaries were either pathological liars or paid agents. Despite these threats and blandishments, Carr and Glibbery continued to tell their story with total consistency and in staggering detail to the press, the FBI, the U.S. Justice Department, and finally the U.S. Senate.

Alleged CIA links to those men were brought to the Bureau's attention when Jack Terrell, a disillusioned former mercenary, contacted the FBI in early 1986 and fleshed out Honey's allegations. Terrell claimed that despite the Boland Amendment, the Agency was still coordinating the contra war, using North, Owen ("who says he is CIA"), and a "CIA contract man," John Hull. He additionally claimed to have heard of a right-wing plot to kill Lewis Tambs, U.S. ambassador to Costa Rica, and blame it on the Sandinistas. When pressed for proof, however, Terrell admitted that most, and perhaps all, of his information came from Martha Honey.

Terrell's credibility slipped even further when NSA wiretaps on the Nicaraguan Embassy in Washington revealed him to be in regular touch with Sandinista intelligence. His contact was Manuel Martin Cordero Cuadra, who was posted under diplomatic cover in Washington. In fact, as Terrell later acknowledged, he was working with Cuadra to "attract the attention of Federal law enforcement agencies" to illegal contra resupply.

Terrell was taken under the wing of the Center for Development Policy, an IPS spin off and Rubin-funded group, where, as Terrell would say, "employees had direct access to Cuban and Nicaraguan officials." Terrell was even "given a list of 40 names and a brief biography of each that told of their role with the Contras," including data on Oliver North, to be "released to the press or anyone else who might have an interest in it."

But even if their motives were open to question, at least some of the information fed to the Bureau by Terrell and Honey checked out, and had to be run down further. Although the alleged plot against the U.S. Ambassador to Costa Rica proved to be nonexistent, reports of gun-running to that country seemed to be grounded in fact. So in March 1986, the agents flew to San Jose, Costa Rica with Jeffrey Feldman, an assistant U.S. attorney, and met with Ambassador Lewis Tambs at the American Embassy. Feldman took out a diagram showing John Hull's name, and on top of it Robert Owen's, and above that Oliver North's. Feldman hypothesized that North was pumping funds through Owen to Hull, who, in turn, was distributing them to various contra leaders. He believed that these individuals had somehow transported weapons from South Florida to Hull's property near the Nicaraguan border.

The ambassador turned white. The only thing he said was, "Get Fernandez in here." The FBI agents guessed, correctly, that Fernandez was the CIA station chief. Feldman went over the diagram again, saying that he and the FBI agents were looking at "the big picture," meaning not only possible violations of the Neutrality Act, but unauthorized use of Government funds.

The CIA man's reaction, as Feldman recalled, was to "rip the credibility of the various people who were making the allegations." Martha Honey and her husband, Tony Avirgan, were a couple of real left-wingers. Feldman started taking notes: "Honey and Avirgan are Sandinista agents or have ties to Sandinistas." It was alleged that the couple had visited North Vietnam in 1970 and fled the U.S. in 1973, when Avirgan allegedly came under suspicion for some antiwar bombings. After living in several Soviet bloc countries, the couple had settled in Costa Rica as stringers for international news agencies, specializing in critical coverage of the contra war. They spent Christmases in Nicaragua. By one report, Honey met almost weekly with Valentin P. Chekanov of the Soviet Embassy, whose KGB status was an open secret in San Jose. During the summer of 1985, Avirgan traveled with unusual frequency to Managua, and he stayed in the Sandinista power center for periods of twelve, six, and four days; he later said he was doing research. His wife, meanwhile, was interviewing former contra commander Eden Pastora and his top people, recently purged by CIA as suspected Sandinista agents. These were the kinds of people who were going after the rancher John Hull, who was not a criminal but a patriotic man.

Feldman asked if Hull worked for CIA.

Fernandez smiled. Hull had helped the Agency coordinate weapons deliveries to the contras prior to the Boland Amendment. Since then, however, he had not been "militarily involved." As a private citizen, Hull had been providing only medical and humanitarian assistance to guerrillas who retreated onto his land. As far as Fernandez knew, the money for that came from Hull's own deep pockets.

"Do you know if John Hull knows Oliver North?" Feldman pressed.

"Certainly," Fernandez said. "I can tell you for a fact that John Hull knows both Rob Owen and Oliver North." But Hull's role was only to coordinate "humanitarian" assistance, Fernandez repeated. Any reports to the contrary were "a hill of beans." Nevertheless, the meeting ended with Fernandez specifically requesting that the Bureau contact him if they planned to "take action against John Hull."

The FBI agents left the meeting feeling that the CIA station chief was bothered by their inquiries. When they saw Fernandez in the embassy after that, he wouldn't even say hello. Feldman decided not to speak in his hotel room, because he felt perhaps that he and the FBI agents were being watched or listened to by CIA. Embassy security officer James Nagel followed the agents wherever they went. After Currier and Kiszysnki interviewed some imprisoned mercenaries, who described weapons flights to Hull's ranch, Nagel warned them: "There are other agencies that have their operational requirements, and you should not interfere with the work of those agencies." The security officer paused, then added in a low voice: "John Hull is a friend of Ronald Reagan, if you know what I mean." The G-men concluded that because CIA was trying to protect Hull, it would not be possible to interview him, and they quit trying.

John Hull visited Washington in July 1983 to convince Congress that Contra leader Eden Pastora should not be supported, claiming he was being controlled by the Sandinistan government. Pastora and Hull both visited Quayle and his legislative assistant, Robert Owen. Owen arranged for other congressional aides to talk to the visitors too, such as Vaughn Forrest, an administrative assistant for Representative Bill McCollum (R-Florida), and also introduced Hull to Oliver North.

In November 1983 Owen began working for Gray and Co., a powerful Washington, D.C., public relations and lobbying firm known for its close ties to the Administration and U.S. intelligence bodies.

In April 1984 Contra leader Adolfo Calero, head of the Nicaraguan Democratic Front, the largest Contra group, asked Gray and Co. to represent the Contras. Owen was given the assignment and came up with plans to raise money in the U.S. through non-profit organizations and companies to purchase weapons for the Contras.

One of Owen's tasks was to garner information on the financial and military needs of the Contras and pass this on to North. He reported to North that more that $1 million a month would be needed to just to keep the level of resistance at its current level, and $1.5 million if it were to increase.

In July 1984 Owen procured South African arms for the Contras. In late October he returned to Central America, met with Calero and Hull, and made an arrangement whereby he would receive $2,500 a month plus expenses from Calero, and Hull would get $10,000 a month in return for his assistance on the southern front.

In summer or fall 1985 Owen served as a courier for North, delivering Swiss bank account numbers to representatives of the Taiwan government in Washington so they could make "Contra contributions." In February 1985 he went to Central America with a letter from North assuring Calero that he would soon receive $20 million. Owen knew what type of people he was dealing with and of some Contra leaders' ties to drug runners. Oliver North was also informed. On April 1st, 1985, Owen described to North Costa Rican rebel leader Jose Robelo's "potential involvement in drug running." Owen told North that another Contra leader, Sebastian Gonzalez, was "now involved in drug running out of Panama." North wrote during an August 9th, 1985, meeting with Owen that the "DC6 which is being used for runs out of New Orleans is probably being used for drug runs into U.S." On February, 10th, 1986, Owen informed North that another Contra plane, a DC-4, was armed at one time to run drugs, and part of the crew had criminal records. Nice group the Boys (the CIA) chose," Owen added.

Sheehan and Wheaton sat down in the kitchen of Hoven's house in early February of 1986. It was magic. To a wide-eyed Sheehan, Wheaton, posing as an experienced operator, tossed out wild stories of clandestine operations and dozens of names: Wilson, Secord, Clines, Hakim, Singlaub, Bush. A whole crew was running amok, supporting Contras, conducting covert activity elsewhere. Drugs were involved. Some of this gang had engaged in corrupt government business in Iran and Southeast Asia. Now the same old boys were running weapons to Latin America. Central to the whole shebang was a former CIA officer named Ted Shackley. Sheehan was captivated. He had struck the mother lode.

Sheehan spoke a few times with Carl Jenkins. At one session, Sheehan listened as Jenkins and Wheaton discussed what Wheaton was calling the "off-the-reservation gang"- Secord, Clines, Hakim, and Shackley - and the operations they ran in and out of government. According to Hoven, Wheaton and Jenkins wanted to see information about this crowd made public and saw Sheehan as the mechanism of disclosure.

Wheaton and Jenkins did not tell Sheehan that they hoped to settle a score with a band they believed had an unfair lock on the air-supply contracts they desired. But to Hoven it was clear that one faction of spooks was whacking another. Hoven was not sure who was on what side. He guessed that somebody somewhere - maybe even in the Agency itself - was upset with the freelancers and wanted to see them reined in. But if Jenkins or anyone else thought they could use Sheehan as a quiet transmitter of damaging information, they were as wrong as they could be.

Throughout the winter and spring, as Sheehan talked to Wheaton and Jenkins, he had something else on his mind: a two-year-old bombing in Nicaragua. On May 30, 1984, a bomb had exploded at a press conference in La Penca, Nicaragua, held by Eden Pastora, a maverick Contra leader who resisted cooperating with the CIA and the main Contra force. Several people were killed, but not Pastora. Afterward, Tony Avirgan, an American journalist who suffered shrapnel wounds at La Penca, and his wife, Martha Honey, set out to uncover who had plotted the attack. A year later, they produced a book that charged a small group of Americans and Cuban exiles-some with ties to the CIA and the Contras-with planning the murderous assault. One of the persons they fingered was John Hull, a Contra supporter with a spread in northern Costa Rica and a relationship with North and the CIA. Their report noted that some Contra supporters were moonlighting in the drug trade.

Hull sued the couple for libel in Costa Rica. He demanded $1 million. Avirgan and Honey, who lived in San Jose, received death threats. They considered retaliating by filing a lawsuit in the States against individuals in the secret Contra-support network. But they could find no lawyer to take such a difficult case. Eventually Sheehan was recommended to them. They checked him out. The reports were mixed. But he had one undeniable positive attribute: he would accept the case. The couple retained him.

Come late spring of 1986, Sheehan was mixing with spooks in the Washington area, and he was pondering how to craft a lawsuit for Avirgan and Honey. He collected information on the Contra operation. He drew closer to Wheaton, who had a new tale every time they met. Then Sheehan made a pilgrimage to meet the dark angel of the covert crowd: Ed Wilson.

The imprisoned rogue officer made Sheehan's head swim. The essence of Wilson's story, Sheehan claimed, was that the Agency in 1976 had created a highly secretive counter terrorist unit modeled on the PRUs of Vietnam and had run this entity apart from the main bureaucracy. The mission: conduct "wet operations" (spy talk for assassinations). After the election of Jimmy Carter, this group was erased from the books and hidden in private companies, and Shackley was the man in charge of the unit both in and out of government. The program was divided into different components. CIA man William Buckley supposedly had directed one out of Mexico with Quintero and Ricardo Chavez. Another unit was headed by a former Mossad officer. Felix Rodriguez was involved in yet one more in the Mideast. Sheehan took Wilson at his word. "Wilson went into such detail," Sheehan later maintained. "It's not something that's being made up."

At one point after Sheehan met with Wilson, it dawned on him: everything was connected. The La Penca bombing, the North-Contra network, the Wilson gang, all those CIA-trained Cuban exiles, the whole history of Agency dirty tricks, the operations against Castro, the war in Laos, the nasty spook side of the Vietnam War, clandestine Agency action in Iran. It was an ongoing conspiracy. It did not matter if these guys were in or out of government. It was a villainous government within a government, a plot that had existed for decades, a permanent criminal enterprise. Sheehan had a unified held theory of covert U.S. history. And Shackley was the evil Professor Moriarty, the man who pulled all the strings. The avenging Sheehan now was determined to take Shackley down.

Sheehan melded the La Penca bombing case to his Wheaton - influenced investigation of the old-boy network. Avirgan and Honey shared with him all the information they carefully had developed on the Contra support operation. Names and stories he threw at them - including Shackley's - were unfamiliar. They took it on faith that Sheehan knew what he was doing when he blended the results of their professional investigation with the grab-bag of information he had collected from Wheaton, Wilson, and others. "We saw John Hull as the center, and Sheehan saw it as Shackley," Honey recalled. "Shackley was the main ingredient. I don't know why Danny fixated on him. He told us he had lots of information on Shackley's involvement in La Penca. That was b.s. But what do we know, sitting in Costa Rica?" Sheehan was looking for a case he could play before a large audience. He repeatedly told Avirgan and Honey the public did not care about La Penca. But people would pay notice if the enemy was one grand conspiracy headed by a dastardly figure.

Sheehan applied the resources of his small Christic Institute to the case. Wheaton continued investigating the Wilson crowd and other covert sorts. He started telling Jenkins that he believed he was chasing a decades-old, top-secret assassination unit. Wheaton claimed it had begun with an assassination training program for Cuban exiles that Shackley had set up in the early 1960s. The target was Castro. The secret war against Cuba faded, but the "Shooter Team" continued. It expanded and was now called the Fish Farm, and Shackley remained its chief.

Sheehan knitted together all this spook gossip and misinformation with a few hard facts, and on May 29, 1986, he dropped the load. In a Miami federal court, Sheehan filed a lawsuit against thirty individuals, invoking the RICO antiracketeering law and accusing all of being part of a criminal conspiracy that trained, financed, and armed Cuban-American mercenaries in Nicaragua, smuggled drugs, violated the Neutrality Act by supporting the Contras, traded various weapons, and bombed the press conference at La Penca. Sheehan's plaintiffs were journalists Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey. The conspirators were far-flung: John Hull in Costa Rica; Cuban exiles based in Miami (including Quintero); drug lords Pablo Escobar and Jorge Ochoa in Colombia; arms dealers in Florida; Contra leader Adolfo Calero; an Alabama mercenary named Tom Posey; Robert Owen, a secret North aide; the unknown bomber at La Penca; and Singlaub, Hakim, Secord, Clines, and Shackley. Sheehan alleged that Shackley had peddled arms illegally, plotted to kill Pastora, and (with Secord, Clines, and Hakim) accepted money from drug sales for arms shipments. Sheehan demanded over $23 million in damages.

With this lawsuit, Sheehan believed, he could break up the Contra support operation and cast into the light shadowy characters who had been up to mischief for years. Sheehan and Wheaton had stumbled across some real players and some real operations. But they both possessed hyperactive imaginations, and whatever truth they did uncover they had twisted into a false, cosmic conspiracy.

The filing-drafted sloppily by Sheehan-surprised Shackley and his fellow defendants. Hoven and Jenkins were stunned. Neither expected Sheehan to produce such a storm. Sheehan clearly was in this for politics and ego. He was not about to be a quiet disseminator of information. "I had been left with the assumption," Hoven noted, "that I was set up to pass information to Sheehan. But they" - whoever they were - "mucked it up because Sheehan was not playing it close to the script."

For years, contra-connected witnesses had cited Hull's ranch as a cocaine transshipment point for drugs heading to the United States. According to Bromwich's report, the DEA even prepared a research report on the evidence in November 1986. In it, one informant described Colombian cocaine off-loaded at an airstrip on Hull's ranch. The drugs were then concealed in a shipment of frozen shrimp and transported to the United States. The alleged Costa Rican shipper was Frigorificos de Puntarenas, a firm controlled by Cuban-American Luis Rodriguez while employing central figures from the contra network, Moises Nunez and Felipe Vidal.

But Hull remained untouchable, even though five witnesses implicated him during Sen. John Kerry's investigation of contra drug trafficking. The drug suspicions just glanced off the pugnacious farmer, who had cultivated close relationships with the U.S. Embassy and conservative Costa Rican politicians.

In January 1989, however, Costa Rican authorities finally acted. They indicted Hull for drug trafficking, arms smuggling and other crimes. Hull was jailed, a move that outraged some U.S. congressmen. A letter, signed by senior Democrat Lee Hamilton and others, issued a veiled threat to cut off U.S. economic aid if Hull were not released.

Costa Rica complied, freeing Hull pending trial. But Hull didn't wait for his day in court. In July 1989, he hopped a plane, flew to Haiti and then to the United States.

Hull got another break when one of his conservative friends, Roberto Calderon, won the Costa Rican presidency. On Oct. 10, 1990, Calderon informed the U.S. embassy that he could not stop an extradition request for Hull's return, but signaled that he would prefer that the request be rejected. The embassy officials got the message. A cable noted that the new president was "clearly hoping that Hull will not be extradited." The Bush administration fulfilled Calderon's hope by rebuffing Costa Rican extradition requests, effectively killing the case against Hull.

On May 22 and 23, 1985. John Hull, a North American farmer with extensive land holdings in northern Costa Rica. brought us to trial in the First Penal Court of San Jose. Costa Rica. It was a most unusual and important trial: it pitted American citizens against each other, raised fundamental issues of the freedom of the press, and publicly revealed evidence of criminal activities and plots by, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the U.S. backed Nicaraguan contras operating out of Costa Rica.

John Hull charged us with Injuries. Falsehold and Defamation of Character because of what we had written about him in our report on the La Penca press conference bombing. In file suit John Hull demanded 25 million colones (almost $500,000) in damagcs, a published retraction of what we had written, and court costs which he estimated to be another 25 million colones. In addition, he asked that the court prevent us from leaving Costa Rica and place under embargo our car, house and other valuables.

John Hull had filed the suit in October 1985. just days after we had presented, at a San Jose press conference, our report on who was responsible for the May 30, 1984 bombing which killed three journalists and five guerrillas and wounded dozens of uthcrs including contra leader Eden Pastora. Tony was among the journalists injured and we had been asked to undertake an investigation and prepare a report for three U.S. based press organizations the Committee to Protect Journalists, the Newspaper Guild and the World Press Freedom Committee.

Libel cases involving the press are, in Costa Rica, heard before the Supreme Court composed of three judges. However Hull chose to sue us not as journalists, but as private individuals which meant that the case was heard before a single judge in a lower court. We believe this was a deliberate tactic since it is easier to apply pressure and influence a single judge rather than the Supreme Court. In the days before the trial Hull confidently boasted that he had the judge "in his pocket" and that it was predetermined he would win the case. In fact, the judge, Jorge Chacon Laurito, turned out to be scrupulously honest and even handed.

In addition, we believe that Hull chose to sue us as individuals in an effort to break us financially and discredit us as journalists. We were forced to personally bear the costs of our defense and would have been compelled to pay ourselves any damages had we lost the case. He attempted to belittle us professionally by implying that we had written the report and defamed him as individuals, not as journalists.

We, in turn, believed that the case should rightfully have been before the Supreme Court since we had written our report in our capacity as journalists. The report had been commissioned by three journalist organizations, had been presented to a press conference, and was subsequently published, in Spanish, as a book.

In our report we described many details of what we had learned about John Hull's activities as a CIA agent and liaison to the contras. In bringing the case against us, Hull denied four of the things we had said about him: 1) that he works for the CIA and receives money from the U.S. National Security Council; 2) that he was instrumental in integrating, as military trainers, a group of Miami Cubans into contra leader Eden Pastora's ranks; 3) that he was involved in the La Penca bombing and a subsequent plot to kill Pastora; and 4) that he had been under investigation in connection with drug trafficking operations. In our report we also stated that Hull was involved in a 1985 plot to bomb the U.S. Embassy and kill the U.S. Ambassador to Costa Rica and blame these actions on the Sandinistas, thereby providing a rationale for direct U.S. intervention against Nicaragua. But, curiously, Hull chose not to challenge us on this point.

Pastora's participation was doubtful up to the last minute. By executive order, he was legally banned from entering Costa Rica. But by court order he was legally required to show up at our trial. Less than a week before the trial began, this contradiction was resolved when Pastora quit the war and walked into Costa Rica seeking political asylum. He was thrown into jail while the Costa Rican government considered his application. He was still in jail when our trial took place, and Pastora's testimony was taken in a cell in the basement of the courthouse.

As the trial approached, Carr and Glibbery were prisoners in the La Reforma penitentiary outside San Jose. They and three other mercenaries and nine Nicaraguans had been there a year, following their arrest in a raid on a contra camp located on property controlled by John Hull. They had been turned down in their repeated attempts to get released on bail while awaiting trial on charges of illegal possession of explosives and carrying out hostile acts against a neighboring state. Glibbery and Carr had also agreed to testify on our behalf and we had delivered them subpoenas ordering that they do so.

Then, suddenly, a week before our trial began, a Costa Rican court changed its mind and granted all five mercenaries bail. Hull received the bail money through a CIA agent in Washington and confidently hoped the mercenaries would come to stay with him. He and his associates had been pressuring Carr and Glibbery not to appear as our witnesses in the trial.

However both Carr and Glibbery told us that they felt threatened by Hull and had no intention of staying with him. They chose instead to stay at our house in the days before the trial. Carr, who got out of jail a few days before Glibbery, called his uncle in the U.S. whom he told us had worked for the CIA. Carr said the uncle arranged for him to see a top CIA official in the U.S. Embassy. For several days, Carr said he had been at the Embassy meeting with this person and at least two other officials, Kirt Kotula and John Jones. They had arranged for him to speak with Hull by telephone from the Embassy. He said they were all urging him not to testify at our trial.

On Monday evening before the trial Carr walked out of our house to visit a friend living nearby. He never arrived there and we never saw him again.

Concerned for his safety, we reported his disappearance to the court. The court clerk said that she was later informed that Steven Carr could be reached through the U.S. Hull's wife also told Glibbery that she knew of Carr's whereabouts.

The day of the trial, when Carr's name was read out, he was not in the courtroom and we did not know where he was, Instead we brought to the trial the duffel bag of clothing he had left behind and told the judge this was all that remained of our witness Steven Carr. We asked that the court to order Hull and the U.S. Embassy to clarify where he was and assure us he was all right.

We heard norhing of Carr until two weeks after the trial when he called us (collect) from jail in Naples, Florida. He apologized for having caused us worry and gave details of his disappearance from Costa Rica. He said that in this meetings with the U.S. Embassy officials they had told him "there's a 90% chance that Avirgan and Honey will lose the court case and that, whether they win or lose, you'll go back to jail if you testify."

Carr told us that the Embassy officials suggested that he jump bail and leave the country. He said, "`They told me to get the hell out of Dodge', and they helped me to do so." He said the Embassy provided him with a bus ticket to Panama and arranged for a border guard to get him across since he had no passport and was under court order not to leave the country. He said in Panama he was assisted by U.S. and Panamanian officials and given a plane ticket to Florida. The Embassy had promised he would not go to jail in the U.S. but, he told us, they broke this promise. As soon as he landed he was arrested and thrown in jail in Naples for a previous parole violation.

Massachusetts Senator John Kerry's staff. He was considered an important witness particularly for the investigation into an arms shipment from Florida, via El Salvador to John Hull's property. Two weeks after his release he was found dead in a Los Angeles parking lot of an apparent cocaine overdose. While in jail he told friends and journalists that he was giving up his drug habit and also that he feared for his life. A number of mysterious circumstances surround his death. John Hull later told Peter Glibbery, "The CIA Killed Steven Carr" and threatened the same would happen to him if Glibbery did not change his story...

Throughout the trial and despite the barrage of evidence presented against him, Hull continued to say he was confident he would win. As soon as the verdict was announced, he said he would appeal. He did so to the Costa Rican Supreme Court. In October 1986 the Supreme Court rejected the appeal and upheld the decision of the lower court. That marked the end of John Hull's attempt to silence and discredit us through the Costa Rican legal system.

Although victorious, we continued to feel distressed that those responsible for the La Penca bombing and other illegal and terrorist plots were not being brought to justice. Therefore through the Christic Institute we initiated just a week after our libel trial, a suit in a Miami federal court. This suit charges John Hull and twenty-eight other defendants with criminal conspiracy, including the La Penca bombing, drug and arms trafficking, violations of the U.S. Neutrality Law and other crimes. Among those named in the suit are many people who have since emerged at key players in the Iran-contra scandal. These include Col. Oliver North's assistant Robert Owen, retired generals Richard Secord and John Singlaub, businessmen Rafael Quintero and Albert Hakim, Cuban American contra supporters and drug traffickers Felipe Vidal, René Corbo, Dagoberto Nunez and Francisco Chánez, Columbian drug traffickers Pablo Escobar and Jorge Ochoa, Hull's business partner Bruce Jones and the La Penca bomber Amac Galil. Through a combination of this court case and the current press and congressional investigations we hope that, at long last, those responsible for the La Penca bombing and other illegal contra-related actions will be brought to justice.

"The rebel army needed bases," Plumlee explains. "The gun suppliers - first the CIA and later the private people who turned the war into a business - had to strike deals with the drug people in order to share these strips. You can't stay sane and safe down there without being on good terms with the CAF - the Colombian Air Force. I've taxied right up with a load of guns, and on the other side of the field, they're loading up drugs at the same time."

The map note refers to Barry Seal and Luis Ochoa, the Colombian drug magnate, running cocaine into Santa Elena. The C-130 and DC-6B notations refer to the reason the field was improved and the airstrip lengthened at the direction of Secord and North. "Barry Seal had flown in the Fat Lady with weapons one time and got her stuck:' Plumlee says. "That decided 'em to lengthen the airstrip.'

Interestingly, during John Poindexter's current trial, in which he is charged with conspiracy to destroy documents, obstruct investigations, and lie to Congress, the prosecutor introduced a memo from Oliver North that seems to corroborate Plumlee's story about the stuck airplane. North had written to Poindexter that "one of the planes of the contra re supply operation got mired down in the mud at an airport in Costa Rica:'

Another reason Santa Elena was upgraded was that the other major staging area for the contras' southern front, the ranch owned by American citizen John Hull, 150 kilometers east-southeast of Santa Elena, wasn't big enough for the scale of the operation. Also, even though Hull worked closely with the CIA in helping to arm the contras, the use of an American's land in Costa Rica for an arms shipment point was politically unacceptable to the Costa Rican government.

Three extremely fast "stealth" boats were used to patrol the waters off Santa Elena and protect the secret airfield, Plumlee says, and the boats had a connection to San Diego. Karl Phaler, a San Diegan, had helped EI Salvador modify several Boston Whalers into fast patrol boats in 1980 and 1981. Plumlee says the Black Crewmen always called the Santa Elena patrol boats "Phaler boats:' In an interview, Phaler said he doesn't know how the boats he helped build for EI Salvador might have ended up off Costa Rica. "Maybe somebody else just used my design and the name stuck".

Phaler later established a boat company called Freedom Marine in San Diego and sold three radar deflecting

Kevlar boats to the contras for $140,000, according to testimony by Robert Owen before the Iran-contra committee. Contra leader Adolfo Colero had visited the boat company in San Diego in 1984 and taken a ride on one of the boats. In a 1987 San Diego Union story about the boat purchase, Karl Phaler gushed that "Oliver North said I was a great American. After a compliment like that; I would have done just about anything."

Phaler was told that the heavily armored boats, which were fitted with machine gun mounts, were to be used to transport food, military equipment, and medical supplies to the contras. But he never actually found out where the boats were delivered or how they were used.

Until May 1984, contra leader Eden Pastora was the major beneficiary of weapons shipments to Hull's ranch and Santa Elena. Costa Rica actually has three areas called Santa Elena; Plumlee says Oliver North and his courier, Robert Owen, assigned the code name "Point West" to the Santa Elena staging area on the northwest coast of Costa Rica. So Plumlee's notation refers to Oliver North, the location of Santa Elena, and the main reason for its existence.

On May 30 of 1984, at a jungle hideout, La Penca, just inside Nicaragua, a bomb exploded during a press conference called by Pastora. He was decrying the CIA's pressure on him to merge with the main faction of contras in Honduras. One American and several Costa Rican journalists were killed, but Pastora survived.

The bombing, which was never solved, became the basis of a lawsuit filed by the Christic Institute, a nonprofit public interest law firm based in Washington, D.C. The suit claimed that the bombing was part of a criminal conspiracy that also included illegal covert arms smuggling, violations of banking and currency laws, and political assassination.

Filed in federal court under the Racketeer-Influenced and Corrupt Organizations statute, the suit named 29 defendants (including Hull, Secord, Owen, Pablo Escobar, and several CIA officials) who allegedly had a direct or indirect hand in the La Penca bombing and in various secret wars all over the world.

The lawsuit was dismissed for lack of evidence last July and is currently on appeal. Before the bombing, Plumlee says that Pastora's guerilla commanders often complained about the shoddy gear they were receiving. They also complained about the escalating prices they had to pay for equipment. Plumlee began to share their frustration.

The guns weren't for sale when we were taking them to Guatemala and EI Salvador a few years earlier," he remarks. "But in Costa Rica in 1982, '83, and '84, suddenly the guns are being sold to Pastora. His commanders would say stuff like, 'Well, you really mucked up my budget this month. And some of the stuff was crap - boots with holes in 'em, old M-ls instead of M-16s, medical supplies that had their seals broken. It was a business, and we were bringing drugs back to pay for it. We were trading better weapons to the drug cartels in return for use of their airstrips. I thought this was a shitty way to fight for democracy".

Once the contra re supply effort was outlawed by Congress in 1984, Plumlee says, the airplanes themselves became rattletraps. Oliver North's job was to circumvent the congressional ban on government aid to the contras, and that was accomplished by commissioning Richard Secord to bring in private arms dealers and aircraft suppliers to do the work for profit. Plumlee says these outfits didn't take care of their airplanes nearly as well as the CIA did, and he ended up flying planes that sometimes had no airworthiness certificates on board.

Many of the planes had defective instruments, which was a serious problem when he had to deliver equipment during the rainy season. "Directional gyros were broken, so you couldn't tell if you were drifting off course; there were magnetic compasses with low fluid levels, so the compass would stick. Artificial horizons that were partially working, which is worse than not working at all. Hydraulic problems. See, this way, if a plane .... "

Battle of Calabee Creek

After the Red Stick attack on Fort Mims in August of 1813, the Georgia, Tennessee, and the Mississippi territories mobilized troops to put down the Red Stick "rebellion." Gen. John Floyd, John Floyd in command of the main Georgia army raised in response to the threat, subsequently launched two offensives into Creek territory, in present-day eastern Alabama, from Fort Mitchell on the Chattahoochee River. The first encounter resulted in the November 29, 1813, Battle of Autossee, in which Floyd's men destroyed much of a major Red Stick stronghold and killed about 200 enemy warriors. A shortage of supplies forced the militia to return without further action to Fort Mitchell to regroup.

The battle left approximately 50 Red Sticks dead, with Floyd's casualties consisting of about 25 militiamen and allied Creeks killed and about 150 wounded. Unsure if another attack might be coming, the army remained in the camp nearly a week, occasionally harassed by Red Sticks, before moving back toward Fort Hull and later on to Fort Mitchell. With his army weakened and his troops' terms of enlistment about to expire, Floyd marched the majority of his men back home for discharge and effectively ended Georgia's role in the Creek War.

Brannon, Peter A., ed. "Journal of James Tait for the Year 1813." Alabama Historical Quarterly 2 (Winter, 1940): 431-440.

John Floyd

John Floyd Floyd was commissioned captain of the Thirty-first Militia of Camden County on May 2, 1804. He rose steadily through the ranks and within two years was promoted to brigadier general and put in command of the First Brigade, First Division of the Georgia Militia. In 1813, Georgia's governor gave Floyd command of Georgia militia units that were to participate in coordinated attacks against Red Stick Creek strongholds within present-day central Alabama. In anticipation of the incursion, Floyd set up a base of operations at Camp Hope near Fort Hawkins in central Georgia on the Ocmulgee River in September. From there, he dispatched troops to construct a line of defensive forts and blockhouses westward all the way to the Alabama River. After securing rations to support his soldiers and allied Creeks, on November 24, 1813, Floyd's forces finally began their march westward and across the Chattahoochee River, where he built Fort Mitchell as a supply base in present-day Russell County.

John Burford Floyd

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About Maj. John Burford Floyd

Ben M. Angel notes: Appears to be the son of James John Floyd, born out of wedlock with Virginia (Burford) Taylor a couple years after the death of his first wife, Matilda (Burford) Floyd. No siblings, but a number of half-siblings exist (one from Matilda, the rest from Jane).

From Descendants of John Floyd by Pat M. Stevens:


  • was born 24 October 1771 in Amherst Co., VA [331],[332],[333],[334],[335],[336], and
  • died 09 July 1838 in Morgan Co., GA [337],[338].
  • He married (1) ANN HAW STEWART [339],[340] 28 September 1797 in Cherry Hill, Oglethorpe Co., GA [341],[342],[343],
    • daughter of JOHN STEWART and ANN HAW. She was born 11 July 1773 in Probably Hanover Co., VA [344],[345], and
    • died 08 November 1826 in Morgan Co., GA [346].
    • She was born Abt. 1800.
    • daughter of EDWARD HUNTER. She was born 1797, and
    • died Aft. 1850 in ? [350].

    Notes for MAJOR JOHN BURFORD FLOYD: These are my notes (or I credit others) which I have seen copied without reference to me- - please use all you will but cite this as your reference so others can check back for my updates! --

    He was known as Major John Floyd.

    Letitia Preston Floyd, the wife of Mourning's half brother, the Governor John Floyd, says Mourning was the only child born to John and Matilda, or Mary, Burford. (See her letter in the Pauline Stewart Crosley file.) However, Judge John J. Floyd of Georgia, mentions frequently that his father was a brother to Mourning. See, letters to Miss Addie Kelly, 30 Jan 1874: "Old Gov. Floyd was an uncle to my father. " and 11 Oct 1873: ". Gen. John Stewart. was my mother's brother and his wife, Aunt Mourning, was my father's sister." These statements make pretty clear that Judge Floyd believed his father and Mourning were siblings. "Old Gov. Floyd" was in fact his father's half- brother and not uncle, as he says.

    The Stewart Clan Magazine, Tome F, p 203, ca 1952, notes (about John Floyd of Oglethorpe who married Anne), Quote: This John Floyd, we presume, was the John Floyd of Wilkes County, Georgia, who gave power- of- attorney, Feb. 14, 1794 to Phillip Thurmond, of Amherst County, Virginia to sell his future interest in a tract of 250 acres on the headwaters of Stovall Creek in Amherst County, "it being the tract of land whereon Virginia Taylor now lives. It was bequeathed to her by the last will and testament of Daniel Burford, late of the State of Virginia, dated May 1, 1787, during her natural life or until she should remove from the land the remainder to me. "

    Burford's will said "I lend to my daughter Virginia Taylor and her natural son John Floyd Burford 250 acres of land etc. I give to my grandson, John Floyd Burford, natural son of my daughter Virginia Taylor, my negro boy named Shepherd, etc. I give to my granddaughter Mourning Burford Stewart my three negros Phillys, Nancy, and Dick. Residue of my estate to be equally divided between my grandaughter, Mourning Burford Stewart and my sons John Burford, Daniel Burford, and my daughter Millie Crews. To my daughter Frances Goodwin, L5(pounds)." The will was proved 2 July, 1787, Amherst County. Burford had made a deed of gift Aug. 5, 1776, of a negro girl to his daughter Virginia Taylor. It would appear then, that John Floyd Burford became John Floyd and later was John Burford Floyd. End quote.

    Based on this it seems clear that Floyd's mother was Virginia. And with the use of the name Floyd, that John Floyd, 1751-1783, was his father and therefore Mourning his half-sister.

    Looking at timings, if John were born 24 October, 1770, he arrived after his father had departed for the Prestons in March, some seven months earlier. He could have realized Virginia was pregnant with their baby when he left, but it's possible he did not.

    In August 1999, I received the note below which seems to bear out the discussion above, From: BF Reinauer III, [email protected] >:

    I am a three greats grandson of Judge (and State Senator and CSA Colonel) John Julius Floyd, of Covington, Georgia. I visited your home page this morning. Your information from your grandparents is extensive (you are most fortunate) and I am delighted to have confirmed much of what I had discovered about John Burford Floyd. Further, if I knew the history of his father, I had forgotten it and was thrilled to hear it again.

    Vaguely I recall my great grandmother Shelby telling a similar tale one Christmas (but I was about eight). The information I received from my grandmother Reinauer (born Shelby --granddaughter of Mary Louisa Floyd and William Alexander Shelby, MD) was not nearly as extensive as yours however, John Burford Floyd's birth was given to me as 24 October 1770. You state that you have not seen a copy of Daniel Burford's will. I have a photo-copy and should be pleased to send you a copy, if you wish. There is not much more to be gleaned from the will.

    With every good wish, Frank Reinauer

    Rhonda Smith gives us the following children of this union, from LDS files:

    • Sarah S. Floyd was born on 17 Jul 1799. She died on 19 Sep 1812.
    • Elizabeth "Betsy" Floyd.
    • Mary "Polly" Floyd.
    • Stewart Floyd.
    • Anne H. "Nancy" Floyd.
    • Virginia B. Floyd.
    • Martha F. Floyd.
    • John Julius Floyd.
    • Matilda R. Floyd.
    • William (twin) Floyd was born on 15 Aug 1813. He died on 19 Oct 1813.
    • Amelia H. (twin) Floyd.
    • Eveline Floyd was born on 20 Dec 1815. She died on 26 Oct 1816.

    From Tuck Wilson, 30 May 2000,

    My name is David Leon Wilson, III and I am a descendant of John Burford Floyd. I saw your web page last week and I wanted to write you to say thanks. It is a great service to the family. I went to Oglethorpe County last year and visited Oak Hill. The new owners are renovating the house and grounds and the cemetery is in good repair. I did not meet them but his name is Browning Adair.

    My grandmother, Louisa Caroline Floyd Wilson, was deeply interested in family history from 1920 until 1981 when she died and I have her files and old letters. There is little on General Stewart that you don't already have but I will be glad to share.

    Have you read " George Washington Paschal's " Ninety-four Years" ? It was published in 1871 and is still available through interlibrary loan. He grew up just north of Cherry Hill and his parents were inn-keepers for Marco Phinizy. Paschal is very opinionated and occasionally offensive but I recommend the book. If you come across any further information on the Floyd's, I would certainly appreciate your sending it along.

    (ed.: he subsequently has sent quite a lot of information which I have entered and footnoted to Tuck. He is a 3d great grandson of John Burford Floyd, through John Colbert Floyd, and his grandmother Louisa Caroline Floyd Wilson.)

    On 25 August 2001 he wrote:

    My cousin Carol Poe found the John Burford Floyd bible 3 weeks ago and I just copied the family information. The bible was apparently sold prior to printing as the first page included a printed list of subscribers and their location.

    John Floyd and two other relatives were in the list. Richard Stewart and his wife Polly Culbertson and their children were also in the family information, which I found a little strange. This Richard is the brother of General John Stewart and Nancy Stewart Floyd. Maybe they lived with the Floyds for a while. (editor: their children were raised by the Floyds after Richard and his wife died in 1815.) "

    Later, he adds: "Carol Poe is indeed a descendant of JBF and a grand daughter of Louisa Caroline Floyd Wilson, my grandmother (which explains where she got it). It is an original, and in good shape. You may use it as you like, and share it with others. She lives in Macon, Georgia.

    Somewhere in my research, I believe it was in "Gone to Georgia'" by William C. Stewart, I saw where JBF bought the plantation in what was then Clarke County with a Stewart, presumably Richard Stewart, from a "Battle." I can't find the reference and will have to go back to the library. John Burford Floyd practiced his signature several times prior to listing his slaves, using a blunt quill and very dark ink. Martha Floyd practiced her signature prior to her filling out most of the family information, with a fine quill and almost a purple ink. It looks like she did it all at once. There was a 3rd handwriting filling out some of the later dates.

    Did I ever send you a letter in my possession dated 1896 from a Seymour Stewart to a Billups Phinizy about the Stewart-Floyd connection and Stewart genealogy? I can't remember what I did and what I have found since. I will just send all my Stewart letters in the next few days it's not all that much, Tuck"

    The dates in the transcription Tuck kindly sent me follow from the Bible of John Burford Floyd, in the possession of Carol Poe, a cousin of Tuck and a descendant also of John B. Floyd of Ga. (the parenthetical notes were in the transcription given me and are not mine.)

    • John B. Floyd was married 28 Sept 1797
    • Richard Stewart and Polly Culberson was married 21 Dec 1809.
    • Julius C. Alford and Mary Floyd were united in the holy bands of wedlock on the 6th July anno. 1819
    • Raleigh Greene and Elizabeth Floyd was married on the 28th of Dec 1820
    • John D. Swift and Ann H. Floyd were married on the 7th May 1823
    • Thaddeus P. Rees of Eatonton and Martha Floyd of Morgan County were married by the Rev. Raleigh Greene on Tuesday, 11th July, 1826
    • Julius A. Askew & V. B. Floyd was married on the 14th day of January 1830 (Virginia Burford?)
    • Joseph B. Winston & Amelia Floyd was married 1 July 1831
    • V. I. Cherry and Matilda R. Floyd were married January the 2nd 1833 (January 28th 1833?)
    • J. B. Winston and A. H. Floyd was married July 1 1830 (note one year discrepancy)
    • John B. Floyd was borne 24 Oct 1771
    • Nancy Floyd was borne 11 July 1773
    • Sally S. Floyd was borne 17 July 1798 (Could be Sally G. Floyd)
    • Betsy Floyd borne 3 Jan.1800
    • Polly Floyd borne 23 Jan 1801
    • Stewart Floyd borne 6 July 1803
    • Nancy A. Floyd borne 3 April 1805 (Could be Nancy H. Floyd)
    • Virginia B. Floyd borne 15 May 1807
    • Martha _ Floyd borne 11 October 1808 (Could be Marthey Floyd)
    • John J. Floyd borne _______________ (Unable to read date)
    • Matilda Floyd borne 23 April 1812 (Could be Matilday Floyd)
    • ________ ________ ________1817 (Unable to read)
    • Eveline Floyd borne 20 Dec 1815
    • Leonidas Floyd Alford was born 1 July annodonine 1820
    • Asbury Coke Greene was born 30th of Sept 1821
    • Lucy Ann Swift was born 25 Feb. 1824 (Could be 23 Feb 1824)
    • John Julius Alford was born November 9th 1822 (Could be Nov. 7th )
    • Ann Eliza Greene was born Oct 6th 1825
    • Cudoxus Sydenham Swift was born Aug. 9 1823
    • Sarah Evaline Greene was born 11th Nov 1823 (Could be 14th or 17th )
    • Ann H. Stewart borne 11 Oct 1810
    • John M. Stewart borne 14 July 1812
    • Charles A. Stewart borne 23 March 1813
    • Mary C. Stewart borne 11 Aug 1814 (year is questionable)
    • Richard Stewart borne 9 Dec 1784
    • Polly Stewart, his wife, was borne 2 Nov 1788
    • Ugenius Marcellus Alford was borned June 15th 1825
    • Ann Eliza Rees was borned the 25th Jan 1828
    • Virginia Ann Floyd Swift was born 18 Oct 1828
    • Cincinnatius Alford was borne the 12th Feb 1828
    • Ann Amelia Bowers Cherry was born 14th day of May 1834
    • John Floyd Winston and Thomas Morgan Winston was born 21 Nov. 1837 ("6" written beside date as if a correction)
    • Sally Floyd departed this life the 19 Sept. 1812 in full triumph of faith
    • Wm Floyd departed this life 19 Oct 1813 ten weeks___.
    • Evaline Floyd departed this life 26 Oct 1816
    • Richard Stewart departed this life 8 Aug 1815
    • Polly Stewart departed this life 28 Dec 1815
    • Ann Eliza Greene departed this life on the morning 11th November 1825 about 2 o'clock. Peace to the departed.
    • Lucy Ann Swift died on the 25th of August, 1826 aged 2 years and six months
    • Mrs. Nancy Floyd departed this life on the 8th November 1826 in the blissful hopes of a glorious immortality
    • Mrs. Ann H. Swift expired on the 14th November, 1828, aged 23 years, 6 months, and 14 days. ("in the blissful hopes of a glorious immortality" was added later)
    • Martha F. Rees died on the 8th Feb 1837. She died as she had lived, a Christian
    • John Floyd died 9 July 1838
    • Stewart Floyd died on the 1st of August 1853, in the fiftieth year of his age
    • Matilda Chirry (sic) died 2 of December 1839
    • Mary Alford died 1 of June 1851
    • Mrs Virginia Askew died on the 9th of October 1852 (Could be Oct 4th or 9th and 1851)
    • Virginia A. Nolan died 17 Dec. 1852
    • Virginia A. Wilcox died in July 1853

    Addendum - others in the bible not with the family

    • Aguis was borned 14th of January 1822
    • Beny (Barry?) Was borned 13th July 1824
    • Edmun Was borned the 11th March 1824 (Could be Edwin)
    • Simeon Washington was born on the 14th Dec 1825
    • Louisa was born on the 21st of February, 1826

    notes by me, not in the bible:

    • 1. Mary Floyd who married Julius C. Alford is not listed in the birth records.
    • 2. Nancy (A. or H.) Floyd is known as Ann in her marriage to John D. Swift.
    • 3. The addendum above were likely slaves, and were entered by John B. Floyd. All the other records were entered by Martha Floyd and someone else."

    Tuck notes that John and Ann were married at John Stewart's home, Cherry Hill, on 28 September 1797.

    Further: "Southern Recorder, Milledgeville, Ga., Tuesday, July 31st, 1838, 'Died at his residence in Morgan Co., on the 9th inst, Major John Floyd, in the 67th year of his age, after an illness of seventeen days. The deceased was a native of Virginia, and emigrated to this State about fifty years ago.' "

    From B. F. Reinauer III, From: 'Marriages and Obituaries from Early Georgia Newspapers', abstracted by the late Judge Folks Huxford, FASG, Southern Historical Press, Easley, SC: 1989

    • pg. 311 (17 Mar 1883): "Judge J. J. Floyd,of Covington, died on the 12th inst. He was 75 years of age." ('The Sun', Hartwell, GA)
    • pg. 46 (21 Feb 1837): "In Madison on the 8th inst., Mrs. Martha F. Rees, wife of Thaddeus B. Rees, Esq. and daughter of Major John Floyd, of Morgan County, in her 30th year. Husband and two daughters

    survive. Methodist. ('The Southern Recorder')

    • pg. 245 (24 Aug 1838): "Died in Morgan County, Georgia 9th July 1838, Major John Floyd in the 67th year of his age. He was born in Virginia and emigrated to Georgia before fully grown. He married a pious wife and converted at a camp-meeting near Lexington in Oglethorpe County, Georgia in 1802. He was attended by many of the pioneers of Methodism in Georgia: Rev. Messrs. Hope Hull, Benjamin Blanton, and Britain Capell and, I believe, Stith Meade. His home had long been the home to preachers. Bishops Asbury and McKendre and a large number of the older preachers have shared the hospitalities of his home." Signed: Raleigh Greene ('The Southern Christian Advocate') (ed.: Raleigh was his son in law.)

    Again, David "Tuck" Wilson says:

    John Burford Floyd was visiting his sister Mourning ( wife of John Stewart ) in 1796 or 1797 when Anne (Nancy) Stewart accompanied her mother , Nancy Haw Stewart , to Georgia from Virginia? to visit her son John. (Nancy Haw Stewart died during the visit.) John Burford Floyd met Anne (Nancy) Stewart here shortly afterwards married her in Oglethorpe County at the home of Mourning and John Stewart on Sept. 28, 1797, according to family tradition.

    This letter may be misleading as most evidence points to Nancy Haw Stewart moving to Georgia as a widow with the younger children by 1793. (editor: this indeed is what I believe, although she certainly might have returned to Va. from time to time). It is likely that Nancy and her daughter were visiting her son Gen. John Stewart from just " down the road." Also, the letter indicates that they were married in Virginia but does not give the source.

    It is unknown where John and Nancy made their home immediately after they were married but I would look in Oglethorpe County. On 14 October 1809, in what was then Clarke County, Georgia, John and his brother-in-law Richard Stewart bought land from William and Nelson Battle. The home site was located on the east side of the Apalachee River in the fork made by Wolf Creek (now Oconee County). All their children are listed as having been born there.

    SesquicentenniaI (no author listed ) published 1957 describes on page 23 a booklet written by Etta Shockley Few (Mrs. J. M. Few) on the history of Apalachee , Georgia , Morgan Co. which discusses the Floyd Family. On p 24, " The Floyds were a distinguished family who lived on the other side of the river. (of the town of Apalachee )". On this side of the river was a mill first known as Floyd's Mill then Few's Mill , then Furlow's Mill , then Head's Mill. The Foster's in Madison are related to the Floyd's". (editor: this is probably Julia Floyd Foster's family, she who granddaddy thought so beautiful, and if her picture I have is really she, she was).

    The first property recorded in the Morgan County courthouse was a lot in town, right on the square , bought in October, 1817. His home place in Clarke County (Wolf Creek) and was on the tax digest indexes there in 1809 and 1817. Property records in Morgan County show that he owned land lots 115 and 121 in the 5th district, north of Madison, also.

    John carried the rank of Major in the Georgia Militia. He would have been 42 at the onset of the War of 1812, a little old to serve. There is record of only one John Floyd in the War of 1812, according to the Index To War Of 1812 Service Records, General John Floyd of Camden County, Ga. who we know was a cousin. (editor-- we think he was a distant cousin, a descendant of perhaps William Floyd of Amherst's uncle. See elsewhere for all this).

    Elinor Van Dyke states that the plantation was called Cherry Hill and she was told by her grandfather Linton Eugene Floyd that the place had been destroyed by fire. However, in his lifetime, the chimneys and foundation stood ( she could be confusing the John Burford Floyd plantation with the plantation of General John Stewart which was named Cherry Hill and was destroyed by fire around 1820) .

    Today (1999), the plantation has been reclaimed by the pine forests of the Georgia -Pacific. However, The family cemetery still stands. If one were to walk up the old Madison to Athens Highway from the Apalachee River to the top of the ridge (1/4 mile) and look on the left about 100 yards into the woods, it is easily found.

    On the tombstone in the Floyd burial ground at his old plantation is this : " In memory of Major John Floyd who died July 9, 1838 in the 69th (67th) year of his age. As a patriot, philanthropist, and Christian . He lived beloved and died in the full assurance of a home in Heaven."

    His obituary appears in the Southern Recorder (Milledgeville Ga. Newspaper Clippings compiled by Tad Evans, Vol. 4) : Tuesday, July 31, 1838 Died at his residence in Morgan County, on the of the 9th instant, Major John Floyd, in the 67th year of his age, after an illness of seventeen days. The deceased was a native of Virginia, and emigrated to this State about fifty years ago.

    Elinor Van Dyke lists John Burford Floyd's date of birth as 10/21/1771, date of marriage as 3/28/1792, and date of death as 7/7/1838. The John Burford Floyd bible lists b. 24 Oct 1771, m. 28 Sept 1797, d. 9 July 1838.

    This interesting piece from Alex Luken, August 2, 2002:

    "From Georgia Land Lottery of 1827. You will have to look at this on the site. There are several Floyd/Burford combinations. Not in Oglethorpe Co. either.

    "KNOW YE, That in pursuance of the several acts of the General Assembly of this State, passed the 9th of June, and 24th December, 1825, and the 14th and 27th of December, 1826, to make distribution of the land acquired of the Creek Nation of Indians, by a Treaty concluded at the Indian Springs, on the 12th day of February, 1825, and forming the Counties of Lee, Muscogee, Troup, Coweta and Carroll, in this State I HAVE GIVEN AND GRANTED, and by these presents, DO GIVE AND GRANT unto John Floyd of Burford's district, Oglethorpe county, his heirs and assigns forever, all that tract or lot of land containing two hundred and a half acres, situate, lying, and being in the Twenty-second District, of the Second Section, in the County of Muscogee in said State, which said tract or lot of land is known and distinguished in the plan of said District by the number One hundred and Sixty Seven having such shape, form and marks as appear by a plat of the same hereunto annexed: To have and to hold the said tract or lot of land, together with all and singular the rights, members and appurtenances thereof whatsoever, unto the said John Floyd, his heirs and assigns, to his and their proper use, benefit and behoof forever in fee simple.

    "GIVEN under my hand and the Great Seal of the said State this seventeenth day of December, in the year one thousand eight hundred and thirty, and of the Independence of the United States of America the fifty fifth.

    • "Signed by his Excellency the Governor, 17th day of Dec., 1830.
    • "GEORGE R. GILMER, Governor
    • "E. H. PIERCE, S. E. D.
    • "Registered the 17th day of Dec., 1830.
    • "By His Excellency George M. Troup, Governor and Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of this State, and of the Militia thereof."

    Sarah Stovall's 1927 letter says John Floyd, her great grandfather, remarried late in life to a Wilhelmina Hunter Rossiler and lived in Watkinsville, Ga.

    Also from Alex we have this 1794 Amherst transaction:

    "Amherst Deed Book G, p. 400 14 Feb 1794 JNO. FLOYED, Ga. Power of Attny to PHILLIP THURMOND, AC -- DANL. BURFETT (BURFORD) of Va. By will of 1787 bequeathed to VA. TAYLOR 250 acres in AC on headwaters of Stoval -- for life or until she leaves remainder to me. JF of Wilks Co, Ga. – PT to dispose of my interest upon removal or death of VA. TAYLOR. Acknowledged before BENJ. CATCHING, Clk. Of Superior Ct., W. STITH JR. one of the judges. Rec. in AC, 21 Jul 1794."

    "John Burford Floyd's death is recorded in both the Southern Recorder of Milledgeville, GA, which indicates he died after an illness of seventeen days, and The Southern Christian Advocate. It is interesting to note the strong connections to Methodism that are shared by both the Greene and Floyd lines. Below is an exert from The Southern Christian Advocate:

    "Died in Morgan County, Georgia 9th July 1838, Major John Floyd in the 67th year of his age. He was born in Virginia and emigrated to Georgia before fully grown. He married a pious wife and converted at a camp-meeting near Lexington in Oglethorpe County, Georgia in 1802. He was attended by many of the pioneers of Methodism in Georgia: Rev. Messrs. Hope Hull, Benjamin Blanton, and Britain Capell and, I believe, Stith Meade. His home had long been the home to preachers. Bishops Asbury and McKendre and a large number of the older preachers have shared the hospitalities of his home. Signed: Raleigh Greene"


    Burial: Floyd Family Cemetery, Oconee Co., GA, opposite Apalachee, GA351

    Notes for ANN HAW STEWART:

    • She is almost certainly named after her mother, Ann Haw, or Nancy Haw. Thus I have expanded the middle initial H to Haw, but have no proof.
    • Also called Nancy, per Brenda Hester, and Polly, per the SCM, F, 202. And Nanny, see the court records, op. cit.
    • Tuck Wilson, op. cit., notes that her tombstone reads: " In memory of Mrs. Nancy Floyd who died Nov. 8th, 1826 in the 53rd year of her age. She lived and died a Christian. Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord, they rest from their labors and their works do follow them."

    . and, her obituary: "Departed this life on the afternoon of the 8th ultimo, in Morgan County, Mrs. Nancy Floyd, consort of Maj. John Floyd, in the 54th year of her age." (ed.: the paper got it right, 54th.) "Southern Recorder," Tue., Nov. 21st, 1826.


    John Floyd, 25th U.S. Governor of Virginia was born on April 24, 1783 in Floyds Station, Jefferson County (Present Bullitt County), Virginia (Present Kentucky), United States. His parents were James John Floyd and Sallie Jane Breckenridge.

    He died on August 16, 1837 in Sweet Springs, Monroe County, Virginia (Present West Virginia), United States and was buried in Lewis Family Cemetery, Sweet Springs, Monroe County, West Virginia, United States. root cellar in 1839 that Governor John Floyd died. He had been evacuated here, a hundred yards away from the Lynnside Manor house, on the assumption that his disease was contagious and required him to be isolated. I will add a fact - in all this service given, not one cent of public money was ever received by an individual of the whole race, except their daily compensation.

    I have done, my dear son. May this faithful history teach you to look more to individual interest than ever your ancestors have. Should you transcribe this you will find many errors to correct from feeble hand and imperfect vision.

    Ever your affectionate mother,

    From the Find A Grave page for John Floyd:

    US Congressman, Virginia Governor. Served in the War of 1812 as a Major and surgeon in the Virginia Militia. Elected to represent two different Virginia Districts in the United States House of Representatives (5th District from 1817 to 1821, 20th District from 1821 to 1829) serving from 1817 to 1829. Served as Governor of Virginia from 1830 to 1834. In 1832 he ran for President, receiving 11 Electoral Votes, and carrying the state of South Carolina. His father was Revolutionary War Militia officer and Frontiersman John Floyd, and his son was Virginia Governor and Civil War Confederate General John Buchanan Floyd. (bio by: Russ Dodge)..

    Burial: Lewis Family Cemetery, Sweet Springs, Monroe County, West Virginia, USA [unmarked]

    Maintained by: Find A Grave

    • Originally Created by: Russ Dodge
    • Record added: Apr 24, 2003
    • Find A Grave Memorial# 7382922

    From the Virginia Department of Historical Resources historical marker KH1: Governor John Floyd's Grave (2000):

    Just over the state line in West Virginia is the grave of physician and politician John Floyd. He was born in Jefferson County, Virginia (now Kentucky) on 24 April 1783. He married Laetitia Preston in 1804 and received a medical degree from the University of Pennsylvania in 1806. After serving in the War of 1812, he was elected to Virginia's General Assembly in 1814. In 1817, he was voted into Congress and remained their until 1829. An advocate of westward expansion, Floyd in 1821 introduced the first bill to organize the Oregon Territory. He served as Virginia's governor from 1830 to 1834. Floyd died in 1837.

    From the English Wikipedia page on John Floyd (Virginia Politician):

    John Floyd (April 24, 1783 – August 17, 1837) was a Virginia politician and soldier. He represented Virginia in the United States House of Representatives and later served as the 25th Governor of Virginia.

    During his career in the House of Representatives, Floyd was an advocate of settling the Oregon Territory, unsuccessfully arguing on its behalf from 1820 until he left Congress in 1829 the area did not become a territory of the United States until 1848.

    In 1832, Floyd received votes for the Presidency of the United States, running as a National Republican, a precursor of the Whig Party. He carried South Carolina and its 11 electoral votes.

    While governor of Virginia, the Nat Turner slave rebellion occurred and Floyd initially supported emancipation of slavery, but eventually went with the majority. His term as governor saw economic prosperity for the state.

    Floyd was born at Floyds Station, Virginia, near what is now Louisville, Kentucky.[1] His parents were pioneer John Floyd, who was killed by Native Americans 12 days before his son's birth,[2] and Jane Buchanan. His first cousin was Charles Floyd, the only member of the Lewis and Clark Expedition to die.

    Floyd was educated at home and at a nearby log schoolhouse before enrolling in Dickinson College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania at the age of 13.[2] He became a member of the Union Philosophical Society in 1797.[3]

    Although he matriculated with the class of 1798, he had to withdraw due to financial troubles.[2] His guardian had failed in his payments and family accounts relate Floyd was so poor that "he was obliged to borrow a pair of panteloons from a boatman" to return to his home in Kentucky.[4]

    When his step-father, Alexander Breckinridge, died in 1801, he was able to return, but had to withdraw again due to a lung illness.[2][5] He moved to Philadelphia and was placed under the care of Dr. Benjamin Rush, an experience that influenced his decision to pursue a medical career.[2]

    After an apprenticeship in Louisville, Kentucky, Floyd enrolled in the medical department of the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia in 1804 and became an honorary member of the Philadelphia Medical Society and a member of the Philadelphia Medical Lyceum.[6] Floyd was graduated in 1806 and his graduating dissertation was entitled An Enquiry into the Medical Properties of the Magnolia Tripetala and Magnolia Acuminata.[1][2][7]

    He moved to Lexington, Virginia and then to the town of Christiansburg, Virginia.[1][2] Floyd also served as a Justice of the Peace in 1807.

    In 1804 Floyd married Letitia Preston, who came from a prominent southwest Virginian family. She was the daughter of William Preston and Susannah Smith, and sister of Francis Preston, of Abingdon, Washington County Virginia. They had 12 children, including:

    • John Buchanan Floyd, (1806�), Governor of Virginia, and Secretary of War under President Buchanan.
    • Nicketti Buchanan Floyd, married United States Senator John Warfield Johnston.
    • George Rogers Clark Floyd, Secretary of Wisconsin Territory and later a member of the West Virginia Legislature
    • Eliza Lavalette Floyd, married professor George Frederick Holmes

    Floyd was a surgeon with the rank of major in the Virginia State Militia from 1807 to 1812. At the outbreak of the War of 1812, Floyd moved his family to a new home near present-day Virginia Tech to be near friends and entered the regular army.[8]

    On July 13, 1813, he was appointed surgeon of Lt. Col. James McDowell's Flying Camp in the Virginia militia.[9] When he returned from a leave of absence, he discovered someone else had been appointed to replace him, and so his service in this role ended on November 16, 1813.[9] Floyd was then commissioned as major of the militia on April 20, 1814 and was promoted to the rank of brigadier general of the 17th Brigade of Virginia militia.[10]

    He served until he was elected to the Virginia House of Delegates in 1814.[1] During this time, he moved his family again, this time to Thorn Spring, a large plantation in Montgomery County, Virginia.[8] Thornspring (Pulaski) (Thornspring Golf Course) was inherited by Letitia Preston Floyd from her father William Preston and was located near her older brother, Virginia Treasurer, Gen John Preston, and his Horseshoe Bottoms Plantation (Radford Army Ammunition Plant). They both were near the Prestons Smithfield home (Virginia Tech) that their father had completed in Montgomery county for their mother, Susannah Smith Preston, before he died. John Floyd use to keep Bears chained to the tree on the lawns of the Thornspring Plantation (Pulaski, VA).

    From 1814 to 1815, Floyd was a member of the Virginia House of Delegates and established a record as a strong nationalist.[1][8] He supported a joint resolution to coordinate Virginia's defense with the Federal government as opposed to the contending resolution to "authorize the governor to 'communicate' with the 'Government of the United States'".[11] In addition, Floyd supported a bill that authorized Virginia to raise troops and place them at the order of the federal government, as well as supporting a resolution to condemn the terms of peace proposed by the British commissioners at Ghent.[11] He was also an opponent of the tactics of the Federalist leader, Charles F. Mercer, who questioned whether the United States was a sovereign country.[11]

    In 1816, Floyd was elected as a Democratic-Republican to the United States House of Representatives, and served from March 4, 1817 to March 3, 1829.[1] When Henry Clay's proposition to send a minister to Buenos Aires and therefore recognize Argentina in its bid for independence from Spain, Floyd was in support and urged recognition as a matter of national self-interest and justice.[12]

    As Floyd's biographer noted: This proposed recognition meant more to Floyd even than trade advantages and justice it was another step in the disenthrallment of America. It would afford relief from that political plexus which had made it impossible for one European nation to move, even in matters relating to America, without creating a corresponding movement in each of the others. He was tired of negotiating the things which related exclusively to America in London, Paris, and Madrid.[13]

    When General Andrew Jackson tried and executed two British agents during the First Seminole War in Spanish-held Florida, it precipitated the Great Seminole Debate of 1818� in Congress, with some claiming he exceeded his orders from President James Monroe and demanding his censure. Floyd, however, supported Jackson's actions, maintaining he had acted according to precedent and his orders.[14] He also denied the sovereignty of the Seminole tribes.[14]

    When Missouri sought statehood in 1820, it sparked a heated debate that eventually ended with the Missouri Compromise, which allowed it to be a slave state with the admission of Maine as a free state. Prior to this compromise, various proposals were floated all swirling around allowing or prohibiting slavery in the new state.

    A majority of Virginia's representatives in Congress desired the retention of slavery in Missouri at any price, however Floyd was silent, and his biographer, Ambler, has inferred from various statements made by Floyd, that he preferred immediate statehood to an extension of slavery, though admits there is "little evidence to show that he opposed the latter on general principles."[15] However, when anti-slavery forces in Congress tried to expunge a clause in Missouri's state constitution that would have prevented free blacks from settling in the state, Floyd opposed on the principal of state's rights to decide its own matters and also because he was opposed to the growing Federal power.[16]

    He stated: If gentlemen would only expunge from their memories the progress of European liberty and institutions, they would find in America a number of states, or separate, independent, and distinct nations, confederated for common safety, and mutual protection, taught wisdom by the eternal feuds of Spain, England, France, and Germany, now consolidated into large empires. These states before the confederation could make war and peace, raise armies, or build a navy, coin money, pass bankrupt laws, naturalize foreigners, or regulate commerce. Informed by Europe they knew Jealousies would arise, and constant strife render armies in every nation necessary to their defence, which would endanger their liberties and homes. These states then, in their sovereign and independent characters, were willing to enter into a compact, by which the power of making war and peace, and regulating commerce, possessed alike by all, should be transferred to a congress of the states, to be exercised with uniformity, for their mutual benefit thus avoiding the evils of "superanuated and enslaved" Europe. These two were the only powers ever intended to be granted by the states. All other powers conferred by the compact are necessary to carry these two into execution.[17]

    Floyd's position was that Congress had allowed Missouri to become a sovereign state and that now its only choice was whether or not to admit it into the Union.[18] Missouri came up again during the Presidential election of 1820. At issue was whether its electoral votes were valid, since it was still awaiting final approval of its constitution by the Congress. Floyd argued for counting its votes and the "debate which followed precipitated one of the liveliest 'scenes' ever witnessed. ".[19]

    Disorder followed, and both Floyd and John Randolph were "so persistent in their interruptions as to necessitate an adjournment of the joint session".[19] A compromise was brought forward to count it as "so many with the vote of Missouri and so many without it", but both Randolph and Floyd opposed this, which later prompted John Quincy Adams to describe their action as "an effort to bring Missouri into the Union 'by storm.'"[20]

    Since the end of the War of 1812, the Oregon Territory was claimed by both Britain and the United States, but neither side pressed their claim. Floyd wanted to pursue America's interests there more aggressively and so on December 20, 1820, he brought this question, the first person to do so, to the attention of Congress with a resolution to appoint a committee and "inquire into the situation of the settlements upon the Pacific Ocean and the expediency of occupying the Columbia River."[21]

    The resolution passed and the committee was formed with Floyd as the chairman, and Thomas Metcalfe of Kentucky and Thomas Van Swearingen of Virginia as members.[21] Floyd presented the committee's report on January 21, 1821, along with a bill to authorize the occupation of the Columbia River area.[22] Nothing happened with the bill, and John Quincy Adams criticized Floyd and characterized him as "a 'flaunting' canvasser and a politician seeking to win prestige and patronage, particularly the latter, by a vigorous opposition to the party in power" and attributed his motives for occupation by "a desire to provide a retreat for a defaulting relative and possibly for himself."[23]

    Floyd then brought forth a resolution on December 10, 1821, to inquire into the expediency of occupying the area, and a week later presented another resolution to have the Secretary of the Navy give an estimate for a survey of harbors on the Pacific Coast.[24]

    On January 18, 1822, he introduced a bill to authorize and require the president to occupy "the territory of the United States" on the waters of the Columbia River and to organize the territory north of the 42d parallel of latitude and west of the Rocky Mountains as the "Territory of Oregon" as soon as the population reached 2000.[24] Floyd then asked that all the correspondence relating to the Treaty of Ghent be presented to the House, which was possibly done in an attempt to damage John Quincy Adams' political ambitions by intimating that his negotiation neglected the United States' interests in the West.[25] However, Floyd's bill was unsuccessful, as was possible attempt to discredit Adams.[25]

    Floyd next capitalized on the fear of Russia's claims of sovereignty in the area and succeeded in having a resolution adopted asking the president to inform the House whether any foreign government had communicated any claims to the territory, but the information was then deemed too sensitive to disclose to the House.[26]

    Not deterred in his attempt to discredit Adams, Floyd learned of a letter written by Jonathan Russell to James Monroe on December 15, 1814 that contained "proof positive" of Adams' neglect of the West in the treaty negotiations and he was successful in passing a resolution of inquiry that gave him the letter, but his actions backfired when the press attacked Floyd and forced him to defend his conduct.[27] Adams certainly saw it as an attempt to damage his chances for the presidency.[27]

    When President Monroe acknowledged that it was time to consider the rights of the United States in this area in December 1822, Floyd reintroduced his bill, and argued for its passage.[28] When a vote was taken on January 27, 1823, it failed to pass by a tally of 61-100.[29] Throughout the rest of 1823 and 1824, Floyd continued in his pursuit, and when President Monroe suggested that the second session of the 18th United States Congress look into establishing a military base at the mouth of the Columbia River, Floyd reintroduced his bill.[30] He argued:

    I . appeal to the House to consider well our interests in the Western Ocean, on our western coast, and the trade to China and India and the ease with which it can be brought down the Missouri. What is this commerce? Thousands of years have passed by, and, year after year, all the nations of the earth have, each year, sought the rich commerce of that country all have enjoyed the riches of the East. That trade was sought by King Solomon, by Tyre, Sidon this wealth found its way to Egypt, and at last to Rome, to France, Portugal, Spain, Holland, England, and finally to this Republic. How vast and incomparably rich must be that country and commerce, which has never ceased, one day, from the highest point of Jewish splendor to the instant that I am speaking, to supply the whole globe with all the busy imagination of man can desire for his ease, comfort, and enjoyment! Whilst we Rave so fair an opportunity offered to participate so largely in all this wealth and enjoyment, if not to govern and direct the whole, can it be possible that doubt, or mere points of speculation, will weigh with the House and cause us to lose forever the brightest prospect ever presented to the eyes of a nation?"[31]

    His bill passed this time, with a vote of 115-57, but if failed in the Senate.[32] He continued to argue for settling Oregon throughout the rest of his term in Congress.[33]

    Role in Presidential elections

    In the period leading up to the 1824 presidential election, a leading candidate was William H. Crawford. However, malfeasance charges were brought up against Crawford and a select committee was formed to investigate the charges, the chairman of which was Floyd.[34] Crawford rivals were determined to remove Floyd, as it was known he favored Crawford's candidacy, but their efforts failed.[34] The committee acquitted Crawford of the charges.[35]

    The 1828 presidential election did not have a clear front runner at first for the southern politicians. They were united in their determination to unseat Adams, but thought at first that Andrew Jackson's time had passed after his unsuccessful bid in 1824. However, his popularity had grown, and convinced that Jackson could serve as a figure head only, while the cabinet ran things, an alliance was formed between northern "plain republicans", with Martin Van Buren as their spokesperson, and southern "planters", with Senator Littleton Waller Tazewell of Virginia, an intimate friend of Floyd, as their spokesperson, to put Jackson in the White House.[36] Floyd later wrote:

    "At this moment [1828] came the direful struggle between the great parties in Congress founded upon the claim which the majority . from the north of the Potomac made to the right to lay any tax upon the importations into the United States which was intended to act as a protection to northern manufacturers by excluding foreign fabrics of the same kind. Hence all the states to the south of the Potomac became dependent upon the Northern States for a supply of whatever thing they might want, and in this way the South was compelled to sell its products low and buy from the North all articles it needed from 25 to 125 per cent higher than from France to England . At this juncture the southern party brought out Jackson."[37]

    Floyd worked hard on Jackson's behalf and considered his efforts sufficient for a post in the new cabinet, and so declined to run again for Congress. However, he did not receive this post.[38]

    Floyd was Governor of Virginia from 1830 to 1834.[1] A rift was already forming between Floyd and other Southern politicians, as Jackson failed to act of the tariff issue and other matters. On December 27, 1830, Floyd wrote to a friend:

    As you long ago wrote me, and told me personally, nay predicted, Jackson has thrown me overboard he is not only unwilling to give me employment, as he promised after I declined a reelection to Congress, but has in every single instance refused office to my friends, and even respectful consideration to my letters of recommendation to others. Nor does he stop here. I am at this moment enduring the whole weight of the opposition to him, his friends, and the power and patronage of his government to break down myself and my friends in Virginia, and to prevent my reelection to the office I now fill. Without having much reputation for political matters, I have read those folks at Washington thoroughly . I am not of a temper to pocket insult, neglect, or injury. I have, my dear friend, determined on my course. I can be as silent and patient as any of my aboriginal ancestors,[a] and like them I feel that vengeance would be sweet, but when the day of retribution shall come, it will be marked by the effects of the tomahawk. You must know that notwithstanding all efforts to prevent it I calculate on a reelection. Then I will begin to formulate a message in which, as you know, my own principles will be maintained.[39]

    In January 1831, Floyd was successful in his bid for re-election as governor, this time for three years, and as the first governor under the new state constitution enacted in 1830. Virginia's economy had seen an upswing under his stewardship and in his December address he wanted to see this continue.[40] He unveiled a "bold economic program" that included a network of state-subsidized internal improvements designed to make Virginia a "commercial empire".[40]

    The success of his plan and Virginia's future, however, depended on national politics and who captured the White House in 1832.[40] His preoccupation with economic growth for Virginia, and how the Jackson plans were threatening this, made him different from other southern "nullifiers", whose main fear was the abolition of slavery.[41] Floyd opposed slavery, but purely for economic reasons as he viewed it as inefficient. "Though an implacable Southern-rights man, the governor was a foe of the peculiar institution."[41]

    The presidential election of 1832 was approaching, and Floyd was torn: He wanted to see Vice President Calhoun as the presidential candidate, but wondered if he should first be proposed as the vice presidential candidate for the second term. He felt Calhoun had a better chance to beat Jackson than Clay, and he wrote to Calhoun in April 1831 to know his opinion: "Under all these views I really do not know which course to take whether to announce you a candidate for the presidency and take the hazard of war, or wait the fate of Clay. We would be glad to know your opinion about these things."[42]

    Floyd, along with Tazewell and Tyler, were considered the leaders of the Virginians that had become disaffected with Jackson and had turned to Calhoun.[43] They felt that Jackson had repudiated "virtue and ability as well as Old Republican tenets."[43] According to historian Stephen Oates, "In Floyd's opinion, the federal government under "King Andrew" had usurped power left and right, thus allowing the majority to run roughshod over the minority."[44]

    Clay, however, did not agree to postpone his bid for presidency in favor of Calhoun, and Calhoun did not put himself forward. At some point, Floyd went home to rest for a time, and then returned to in time to witness his political friends courting the Anti-Masonic party and their candidate for president, William Wirt. Floyd "refused absolutely to have anything to do with one of Wirt's 'laxity in morals' and 'opportune' political thinking with one who would turn the federal government over to 'fanatics, knaves, and religious bigots.'"[45]

    Floyd however, ceased his objections against Jackson for a time.[46]

    It was at this time, that the Nat Turner slave rebellion occurred on August 21, 1831.[2] In November, he decided to recommend to the General Assembly gradual abolition of slavery, either for the whole state, or for the counties west of the Blue Ridge Mountains if the former could not be attained, but with a goal for abolition for the whole state in time.

    However, something caused him to change his mind, for his annual message did not contain this recommendation. Instead he encouraged delegates from the western counties to introduce its discussion. However, the debate became heated and Floyd and others "became alarmed" and eastern delegates talked of splitting the state. As Floyd observed: "a sensation had been engendered which required great delicacy and caution in touching."

    As a result, a vote was instead put forth on whether the state should legislate this issue. The pro-slavery party narrowly won 67-60.[47] During Floyd's address to the General Assembly, he did, however, touch upon the national issues swirling around the country.

    As Floyd's biographer noted: In clear and forceful language Floyd reasserted the state sovereignty theory of government, as guaranteed by the 'Compact or Constitution,' holding the Federal Government to be merely the 'Agent of the States' entrusted only with such powers as were originally intended to operate 'externally' and 'upon nations foreign to those composing the Confederacy.' He called attention to the disregard with which 'an unrestrained majority' had received the memorials and protests of some of the 'sovereign states,' justifying their acts by precedent and expediency and thus melting away 'the solder of the Federal chain' also to the fact that it was then 'strongly insinuated' that the states could not 'interpose to arrest an unconstitutional measure.' Such a course, he was certain, could result only in nullifying the federal constitution and in a complete failure in our experiment in government.[48]

    When the Democratic Party announced that Van Buren would be their vice presidential candidate, Floyd was not happy. He renewed his antagonism with Jackson accordingly. Floyd felt that Van Buren's would inject "Northern principles" into the government and would "lead with a rapidity of lightening [sic] to the sudden and immediate emancipation of slavery".[49]

    Virginians led the movement to prevent Van Buren's election.[49] Philip P. Barbour was brought forward as a running mate on a Jackson-Barbour ticket. "In this way Floyd expected to throw the choice of the vice-president into the Senate, where, it was thought, Van Buren's election could be prevented."[50]

    As historian William J. Cooper noted, "For the Calhounites in Virginia, replacing Van Buren with Barbour would achieve two desired goals: eliminate the man they designated as the great enemy both of Calhoun and of the Virginia doctrine as well as symbolize the political resurgence of Virginia."[51] Barbour, however, later withdrew his candidacy to accept Jackson's appointment as judge of the United States Circuit Court for the Eastern District of Virginia, and Van Buren became Vice President.[52]

    The Nullification Crisis had been ongoing since 1828, and in December 1832, Jackson came down squarely against "the nullifiers" in his proclamation. However, in the presidential election of 1832, Jackson confirmed his power in the South by winning his re-election.[53] Jackson had skillfully neutralized Barbour's movement, and Clay did not even appear on several southern tickets.[53] It was only in Calhoun's stronghold of South Carolina that Jackson did not fare well: they put all their electoral votes (11) for Floyd, their ally, for President of the United States.[1][53]

    Floyd's biographer commented that despite advocating moderation in his annual message in December 1832, he was "secretly counting the costs and horrors of war" and that Floyd characterized Jackson's Proclamation in response to South Carolina's Nullification Ordinance as an "outrage upon our institutions" and a "satire upon the revolution" making war inevitable.[52] A letter to Tazewell at this time called Jackson the "tyrant usurper" and feared a civil war would be the result.[54]

    When Floyd learned that Clay was willing to compromise on the tariff and that South Carolina would submit her issues to a "convention of the states", he supported both.[55] The crisis averted, he toned down his opposition to Jackson, but was unwilling to return to the Democratic Party while Van Buren was the leader. As a result, he turned to Clay, and attempted to bring him and John C. Calhoun together in a new political party to support these views.[2][56]

    ". the elimination of both Clay and Calhoun from the list of eligibles for the presidency had become temporarily imperative. Accordingly Floyd set himself to the task of working out a fighting alliance between all the factions opposed to the administration. To this end he encouraged discord within the Democratic party, while scrupulously keeping the conflicting ambitions of his own friends in the background."[57] This was the beginnings of the Whig Party.

    Floyd suffered a stroke in 1834 while still in office, but was able to serve out his term.[2] He approached Littleton Waller Tazewell to be his successor, who was ultimately successful. "Believing that 'great events are in the gale' he urged Tazewell to hasten to Richmond and to be prepared to lay down his share in the power of the state as he had lain [sic] it down for the 'Confederacy,' 'uninjured and undiminished.'"[58] On April 16, 1834, he left Richmond for his home, escorted by Bigger's Blues, Richardson's Artillery, Myer's Cavalry, and Richardson's Riflemen, Richmond's volunteer companies.[58]

    In 1832, Floyd's daughter, Mrs Letitia Floyd Lewis, converted to Catholicism, and "owing to her prominence, caused a sensation throughout the state" of Virginia. Then followed other family members, including Floyd himself after he left office as governor. "The conversion of the Floyd and Johnston families led into the Catholic Church other members of the most distinguished families of the South".[59]

    Floyd suffered a stroke and died on August 17, 1837, near Sweet Springs in Monroe County, Virginia (now West Virginia), where he was buried in an unmarked grave.[1]

    On January 15, 1831, the General Assembly of Virginia passed an act creating the present county of Floyd out of Montgomery County, named after Floyd, who was governor at the time.

    • 1. ^"FLOYD, John". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. Retrieved September 6, 2005.
    • 2. ^ "John Floyd (1783-1837)". Dickinson College. Retrieved 2006-09-05.
    • 3. ^ Dorman, 68
    • 4. ^ "Memoirs of Letitia Preston Floyd, written February 22, 1843". Archived from the original on June 20, 2006. Retrieved 2006-09-07.
    • 5. ^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 31.
    • 6. ^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 31-32.
    • 7. ^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 32.
    • 8. ^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 34.
    • 9. ^ Dorman, 69
    • 10.^ Dorman, 69, 70
    • 11.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 35.
    • 12.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 38, 41
    • 13.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 41
    • 14.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 44
    • 15.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 47
    • 16.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 47-48
    • 17.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 48-49
    • 18.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 49
    • 19.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 50
    • 20.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 50-51
    • 21.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 54
    • 22.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 55
    • 23.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 60
    • 24.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 61
    • 25.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 62
    • 26.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 62-63
    • 27.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 64
    • 28.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 65
    • 29.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 68-69
    • 30.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 70
    • 31.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 72
    • 32.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 72-73
    • 33.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 73-75
    • 34.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 76
    • 35.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 77
    • 36.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 78-79
    • 37.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 96
    • 38.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 78-79, 97, 101
    • 39.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 101
    • 40.^ Oates, Fires of Jubilee, 62
    • 41.^ Oates, Fires of Jubilee, 64
    • 42.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 105
    • 43.^ Cooper, The South and the Politics of Slavery, 12
    • 44.^ Oates, Fires of Jubilee, 63
    • 45.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 108
    • 46.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 109
    • 47.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 91-92
    • 48.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 109-110
    • 49.^ Cooper, The South and the Politics of Slavery, 16
    • 50.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 111
    • 51.^ Cooper, The South and the Politics of Slavery, 17
    • 52.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 113
    • 53.^ Cooper, The South and the Politics of Slavery, 43
    • 54.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 114-115
    • 55.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 116-117
    • 56.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 117 Cooper, The South and the Politics of Slavery, 55
    • 57.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 117
    • 58.^ Ambler, Life and Diary of John Floyd, 93
    • 59.^ "Virginia". Catholic Encyclopedia. Retrieved 2006-09-12.

    Ambler, Charles H. (1918). The Life and Diary of John Floyd Governor of Virginia, an Apostle of Secession, and the Father of the Oregon Country. Richmond, Virginia: Richmond Press.

    Cooper, William J. (1978). The South and the Politics of Slavery, 1828-56. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press.

    Dorman, John Frederick (1982). The Prestons of Smithfield and Greenfield in Virginia. Louisville, Kentucky: The Filson Club. ISBN 0-9601072-1-5.

    Oates, Stephen B. (1975). The Fires of Jubilee: Nat Turner's Fierce Rebellion. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers.

    From Descendants of John Floyd


    • was born 24 April 1783 in Floyd's Station, Jefferson Co., KY, and
    • died 16 August 1837 in Sweetsprings, Monroe County, VA, or, some say, Oak Hill, Oglethorpe Co., GA [394],[395],[396].
    • He married LETITIA PRESTON [396] 13 May 1804 in Franklin Co., KY [397],[398],
      • daughter of WILLIAM PRESTON and SUSANNA SMITH. She was born 29 September 1779 in "Smithfield, " Montgomery Co., VA [399],[400], and
      • died 12 December 1852 in Cavan, Burke's Garden, Tazewell Co., VA [401],[402].


      These are my notes (or I credit others) which I have seen copied without reference to me. I am happy for you to use them but please note the origin

      The Biographical Directory of the US Congress has this:

      "FLOYD, John, a Representative from Virginia

      • born at Floyds Station, near the present city of Louisville, Jefferson County, Ky. (then a part of Virginia), April 24, 1783
      • pursued an academic course attended Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa., and was graduated from the medical department of the University of Pennsylvania at Philadelphia in 1806
      • settled in Lexington, Va., the same year, and soon thereafter moved to Christiansburg, Montgomery County, Va., where he practiced his profession
      • justice of the peace in 1807
      • major of Virginia State Militia 1807-1812
      • served as surgeon with rank of major in the War of 1812 subsequently became brigadier general of militia
      • member of the State house of delegates in 1814 and 1815
      • elected as a Republican to the Fifteenth through the Seventeenth Congresses,
      • elected as a Crawford Republican to the Eighteenth Congress, and
      • reelected as a Jacksonian to the Nineteenth and Twentieth Congresses (March 4, 1817-March 3, 1829)
      • was not a candidate for renomination in 1828
      • Governor of Virginia 1830-1834
      • received the electoral vote of South Carolina for President in 1833
      • died near Sweetsprings, Monroe County, Va. (now West Virginia), August 17, 1837
      • interment in an unmarked grave in the cemetery at Sweetsprings."
        • Cites: Ambler, Charles Henry. The Life and Diary of John Floyd, Governor of Virginia, An Apostle of Secession, and the Father of the Oregon Country. Richmond: Richmond Press, 1918.

        Portrait in crayon of Col John Floyd, the father of John born in 1783, or perhaps the son, this John. It is disputed that it is the father, although many have for years said it is. This copy was in my grandfather's collection at Oak Hill for many years, and the original is in the Filson Collections, Louisville.

        Charles H. Ambler, The Life and Diary of John Floyd. Richmond, 1918, notes that:

        "The . child of the frontier. was the unborn infant for whom Colonel Floyd manifested concern on his death-bed. He was named John for his father. He learned to read and write at his mother's knee and in the log schoolhouse that stood near the grave of his father. When he was thirteen, John Brown, then a Senator from Kentucky, placed him in Dickinson College at Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Here he remained until financial troubles necessitated his return to Kentucky. But fortune soon took a favorable turn his dissipated step-father, Captain Alexander Breckenridge, dying in 1801, young Floyd was again permitted to resume his college course. A severe illness kept him from carrying out his plans for graduation."

        John Floyd, a surgeon, US Congressman and governor of Virginia, was the third child of John and Jenny and was born at Floyd Station, Kentucky just two weeks after his father was killed by Indians. He was well educated: I have an original letter he wrote to my great great great uncle John Berrien Stewart in a beautiful script. His home schooling was sufficient enough that he was admitted to Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa. at 13 in the class of 1798. Sickness prevented his graduation. He left Dickinson to be treated by Dr. Benjamin Rush in Philadelphia, and a web page by Dickinson College notes that "this experience influenced his choice of career and he began a medical apprenticeship under Richard Ferguson of Louisville, Kentucky, after which he entered the University of Pennsylvania Medical School, graduating in April 1806." He married in 1804 while at medical college. He practised in both Lexington and Christiansburg, and was very successful. (See Dr. Samuel Brown in these notes for another touched by Dr. Benjamin Rush.)

        The DAB, 1943, continues "He served as a surgeon with the rank of major in the War of 1812 until he was elected as a nationalist to the General Assembly in 1814. Here he voted for all resolutions giving power to the federal government. In 1817 he was elected to Congress from the "Abingdon District" and was continuously reelected for twelve years. He supported Clay's proposition for sending a minister to Buenos Aires favored the immediate recognition of Argentina defended Andrew Jackson's policy in Florida and opposed his censure and was one of the four Virginia representatives who voted for the Missouri Compromise. He has been given the credit for first proposing in Congress, Jan. 25, 1821, the occupation and territorial organization of the Oregon country. His identification with the interests of the frontier may be attributed to his boyhood life and his intimate association with William Clark, with Thomas H. Benton, and with George Rogers Clark, for whom both a brother and a son were named in his family. His Oregon Bill was introduced and defeated several times, and when he retired from Congress in 1829 he was best known as its sponsor. He took an active part in the election of Jackson and was disappointed in not being recognized in the cabinet. (ed.: I am also informed he broke with Jackson and declined appointment.) From 1829 to 1830 he engaged in the practise of his profession and gave much attention to scientific grazing, in anticipation of the future of his section of the state."

        He became governor in 1830 "as the choice of the state-rights element," and in 1831 was reelected. He is recalled for his work in pushing the development of transportation--- roads, canals and the like-- into the west. The Nat Turner insurrection was during his term. He remained in sympathy with the western members of Va. who wanted abolition, although for issues of sovereignty "accepted the pro-slavery doctrines of Prof. Thomas R. Dew, of the College of William and Mary." He was supported by South Carolina for the presidency in 1832 and received 11 electoral votes.

        After retiring he had a paralytic stroke and died Aug. 16, 1837. His son John was later also the governor. He is called the father of the Oregon Territory, and some say he designed the flag of Virginia. (Adapted with annotations and notes from the Dictionary of American Biography, 1943, Vol VI.)

        He is buried in Sweetsprings in an unmarked grave.

        We also have this, from the Gale Group service (see note at end):

        "Floyd, John (Apr. 24, 1783 - Aug. 16, 1837), surgeon and governor of Virginia, was of Old Dominion ancestry. William Floyd of Accomac County, Va., settled in Amherst County and married Abadiah Davis, said to be a great-granddaughter of Powhatan. John Floyd, the elder, one of twelve children of William, was married to Jane Buchanan, niece and ward of Col. William Preston. The third and youngest child of this marriage, John Floyd, was born at Floyd Station, Ky., two weeks after his father had been killed by Indians. He learned to read and write at his mother's knee and attended school in the neighboring log school-house till he was thirteen years old, when he entered Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa. A serious illness prevented his graduation. In May 1804, he married Letitia Preston, daughter of his father's friend, Col. William Preston, and then spent two years in the study of medicine in the University of Pennsylvania, graduating at the end of this time. After a brief practice at Lexington, Va., he removed to Christiansburg, and soon became widely known as a successful physician.

        "He served as a surgeon with the rank of major in the War of 1812 until he was elected as a nationalist to the General Assembly in 1814. Here he voted for all resolutions giving power to the federal government. In 1817 he was elected to Congress from the "Abingdon District" and was continuously reėlected for twelve years. He supported Clay's proposition for sending a minister to Buenos Aires favored the immediate recognition of Argentina defended Andrew Jackson's policy in Florida and opposed his censure and was one of the four Virginia representatives who voted for the Missouri Compromise. He has been given the credit for first proposing in Congress, Jan. 25, 1821, the occupation and territorial organization of the Oregon country. His identification with the interests of the frontier may be attributed to his boyhood life and to his intimate association with William Clark, with Thomas H. Benton, and with George Rogers Clark, for whom both a brother and a son were named in his family. His Oregon Bill was introduced and defeated several times, and when he retired from Congress in 1829 he was best known as its sponsor. He took an active part in the election of Jackson and was disappointed in not being recognized in the cabinet. From 1829 to 1830 he engaged in the practice of his profession and gave much attention to scientific grazing, in anticipation of the future of his section of the state.

        "On Jan. 9, 1830, he was elected governor of the state by the legislature, as the choice of the state-rights element, and in 1831 was reėlected for a three-year term. Without committing himself on the question of a white or a mixed basis of representation then agitating the state, he accepted heartily the compromise constitution of 1830, and exerted himself to promote the development of transportation facilities for the western part of the state. After the Nat Turner insurrection he was in sympathy with the western members who were working for abolition. Later he accepted the pro-slavery doctrines of Prof. Thomas R. Dew, of the College of William and Mary, and gave himself to the defense of state sovereignty. This resulted in a complicated struggle against Jackson and Ritchie, later against Van Buren, and attempts to unite Clay and Calhoun as leaders of a new party. Floyd himself was supported by South Carolina for the presidency.

        "Soon after retiring from office in 1834 he suffered a stroke of paralysis and died Aug. 16, 1837. He was the father of nine children, one of whom was John Buchanan Floyd [q.v.]. -- James Elliott Walmsley [C. H. Ambler, The Life and Diary of John Floyd . (1918) N. J. Floyd, Biog. Geneal. of the Va.-Ky. Floyd Families (1912), pp. 75-80 Hist. of Va. (6 vols., 1924), II, 462-65 sketch by J. E. Walmsley in the Memorial Volume of Va. Hist. Portraiture (1930) the Floyd Manuscripts in the Lib. of Cong., and manuscripts in the possession of Robt. M. Hughes of Norfolk, Va., Richmond Enquirer, Jan. 12, 1830, Feb. 12, 1831.] See also: John Floyd: Dictionary of American Biography Base Set. American Council of Learned Societies, 1928-1936.

        Reproduced in Biography Resource Center. Farmington Hills, Mich.: The Gale Group. 2004. <> "

        I mention elsewhere the Inaugural celebrations 4 March 1829 hosted by President Andrew Jackson, attended by both John Floyd, then a US Representative and supporter of Jackson and his cousin, General John Floyd of Georgia. The Baltimore Sun reported that

        ". the scene inside and outside the house soon reached riot proportions. One spectator was reminded of the Paris mob marching on Versailles at the start of the French Revolution. Representative and Mrs. George Gilmer of Georgia got in the door only by clutching the coattails of Representative and Mrs. John Floyd, whose two stout sons clove a patch for them." (With thanks to Anna Cartlidge.)

        (Gilmer was a friend of John Floyd's sister Mourning and her husband Gen. John Stewart in Oglethorpe County, also Gilmer's home. He later was governor, and I have his book, the "Georgians" signed by him. For whatever reason, Floyd refused an appointment to head the Arkansas Territory.) His wife Letitia wrote her nephew Capt. Benjamin Howard Peyton on March 13, 1829 ". I can only say that I wished every friend I have had been present at the Inauguration. Never could I have imagined such a spectacle. The interchange of feeling between the people and President surpassed description. The old Hero was appalled at the majesty of the multitude. We followed in the train to the President's house. Gen Jackson received me kindly -- he has offered your Uncle the Government of Arkansas which Dr. Floyd has declined accepting." (W&M Quarterly, Vol. 22, No. 1, June 1913, pp 30-31)

        A family tale is that Governor Floyd died while visiting his sister Mourning in Georgia. There is nothing supporting that in any written record, although we know he desired to see Mourning as he says in an 1820 letter, unpublished, from my family papers, to John B. Stewart. This letter is transcribed in these notes under John Berrien Stewart.

        The Preston Family Bible preserved in the Library of Virginia has this entry: "John Floyd departed this life August 16, 1837 at sunrise on Thursday at the Sweet Springs in Virginia where he was buried on the Hill in the graveyard of Mrs. William Lewis, Sen. his sister-in-law." My guess is that this death and burial away from home might have led to the Ga. rumor.

        In the archives of the Library of Virginia is a faded, ink-run folded letter from the then-29 year old Floyd to his brother-in-law, my 3d great grandfather in Georgia, General John Stewart, who was married to Floyd's half-sister, Mourning. I have transcribed it below as best I could. Where there is the word in caps "blot," the writing is indecipherable where a question mark, I doubt I got the word right and would welcome suggestions!

        The letter is remarkable for the light it sheds on young Floyd: his unhappiness in Kentucky, his view of "the old" Breckinridges, his sorrow at Thomas Preston's death, the sparsity of friends yet in Virginia (when he was only two years from holding elected office!), his appointment as military surgeon, his decision not to return to Kentucky, and his potential removal to Nashville, Tenn. As to who Major Floyd is, the easy choice is his own brother GRC Floyd whom we know was a major. But could it be Davis Floyd, his cousin? I think Davis is the more likely, for surely Floyd would call his brother George, not Major? Gen. Hull was the commander of the army in the northwest, succeeded by Gen. William Henry Harrison. Stewart was born in Amherst Co., married Mourning, and moved to north Georgia where he raised a large family and was appointed a brigadier general in 1796. His effects were destroyed in about 1825 when his home Cherry Hill burned, so it is wonderful this letter somehow survived. Benjamin Sebastian sold 400 acres of "Muddy fork Bear Grass" land in 1816 to Henry Massie for $4000.

        I cannot make any apology for not writing sooner tho' your letter has been a week or two in the house and am extremely sorry say something more agreeable to you on this score of your removal to Kentucky. I did not formally live very happily in that country but the company of my sister and brother with their families would have made me cheerful & contented any where. Many very many occurrences transpired to make me leave Ky.

        But after the death of my poor old mother which took place last May just before I arrived there, would I had expected cause my removal but as I had to administer, my brother having gone to the Army, I found that I in all likelihood would have had some contest with the Breckenridges (some of them), the old ones, I made arrangements with Major Floyd so he was permitted by Gen. Hull to return from the Miami of the Lakes after that, so that I gave up the administration and my land and claims in that country to him, likewise all my bonds for large amounts on my mother, expecting to remain here permanently with my friends.

        But oh! What a double double misfortune was awaiting me! My very best beloved friend, my dearest relation, whose company and life could only have rendered any place of earth agreeable where my sister and brother were not, took a malignant fever in Norfolk and died at his own house in Rockbridge before my return home. Wherever in this country without my dear friend Thomas Preston, ardent, aspiring, amiable man! I have no tie since this last worst of all misfortunes to me.

        I have been thinking very seriously of going and establishing myself in Nashville, Tennessee. I have been much flattered and much solicited by many there and my uncle Col. Anderson of the 8th R. U. S. Inf. has for years been well acquainted with that country says the finest of lands can now be had very cheap, and as to soil I know it myself not to be inferior to Ky. He says it is not more unhealthy than Ky. It is not in the winter more than 5 or 6 days ride from Lexington, Ky., 200 miles to where my mother lived. What think you of that country?

        Major Floyd would perhaps give you more accurate information than myself who has not for many years been much acquainted, though as to the lands in which you are now interested are census claims on Bourbon Shelby County. Likewise the location part of Smith's 5000 in the same place, part of Madison's 5000 BLOT one fourth of 1200 at G Town, part of 400 acres on the Muddy fork of Bear Grass Sebastians, a part of Lenapes(?) entries a part of the legators part of Jos De La Ports (Posts?) 4000 on the Ohio adjoining Hendersons grave, these with perhaps a claim to all Col. Prestons treasury warrant lands and Howard-- Comps(?) lands &c belonging to the estate is 7000 acres we have sold ours to Lynch & Blanton, that is our part.

        We are well, my wife joins in love to you and my dear sister and family whom may God preserve for many years…

        PS Let me hear from you-- I am detailed as Surgeon to the forces which are expected to march to the coast in November so you see we are busy.

        (This is a folded letter addressed on the outside with a 25 indicating postage)

        John Floyd Hull - History

        Rev. John Griffing Jones
        and wife Jane Oliphant Ross

        Photo Source: A record of the descendants of Isaac Ross and Jean Brown : and the allied families of Alexander, Conger, Harris, Hill, King, Killingsworth, Mackey, Moores, Sims, Wade, etc.
        Jackson, Miss.: unknown, 1911, 306 pgs

        IMPORTANT: The book, A Complete History of Methodism, resides in the Public Domain. The summary and photographs contained on these pages may be downloaded for personal, non-commercial use only, and may not be republished.Copyright restrictions may apply.

        The MSGenWeb Project wishes to express its
        sincere appreciation to Bren Cloud for making this material available.

        "My grandfather Roy Scott left this book to me. He inherited it from his father Emmett Scott, Emmett got it from his father John Wesley Scott. John's parents, Gabriel and Abigail Griffing Scott are mentioned in the book for the work they did at Cane Ridge Church in Jefferson County. This book offers a rich history of the 1700's in the south, and mentions many of the earliest settlers." - Bren Cloud

        Prepared for Early SW Mississippi Territory MSGenWeb by Ellen Pack .

        This book chronicles the experiences of the Rev. Tobias Gibson and his successors in the Natchez Territory during the period ca. late 1700's early 1800's. Included are many names and descriptions of early families, and of the area. In addition to being extremely interesting reading, this summary provides a factual and unusual look at the era, and of the families who, in spite of the wilderness and inherent dangers, migrated into and settled what is today Adams, Amite, Franklin, Jefferson, and Wilkinson Counties, in Mississippi.

        For ease in navigating the pages, hypertexed general topic headings have been added. Photographs have been inserted for interest, and links have been added for those readers who would like more background information on a particular subject. Use the "Back" button on your browser to return to these pages after visiting linked sites.
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        Floyd Andrew Hull

        HULL, Floyd Andrew, Mar 6, 1922 – Mar 21, 2012. Born to Wyatt and Maytie (Jenson) Hull in Tekamah, NE. He attended South High School and graduated in 1940. While attending high school, he worked in the tool department of Sears & Roebuck Co., and at the Omaha Horse and Mule Barn. He married Bessie Ruth Mader on March 6, 1941. In September of 1943 he entered the Army and was honorably discharged in September of 1945 after being wounded in France and Germany and earning the Purple Heart and other awards. He worked as a machinist at ASARCO for 30 years. He owned Hull Home Repair and was an accomplished farmer, machinist, mechanic, repairman, cabinet maker and woodworker. Floyd was a Boy Scout Leader for over 20 years, and he and his wife were charter members of St. Thomas More Catholic Church in Omaha. He was preceded in death by his parents 2 brothers wife of 59 years, Bessie Ruth daughter, Janice Luster. He is survived by his children: Judy and Eldine Foral of Battle Ground, WA, Floyd II and Cindy of Sylva, NC, Peggy Hull and John Evans of Omaha, Harvey and Judy of Fond du Lac, WI, Mark and Kristi of Wedgefield, SC aunt, Violet (Jenson) Wulff sister-in-law, Vera (Mader) Halac 25 grandchildren and spouses 10 step-grandchildren 18 great-grandchildren and spouses 10 step-great-grandchildren 4 great-great-grandchildren 9 step-great-great-grandchildren—for a total of 86 descendants! The family will receive friends Sunday, 3pm to 5pm, followed by VIGIL SERVICE at 5pm at the West Center Chapel. SERVICES Monday, 10am, West Center Chapel to St. Thomas More Catholic Church for MASS at 10:30am. Entombment, Calvary Mausoleum. Memorials are suggested to St. Thomas More Catholic Church.

        HEAFEY-HEAFEY-HOFFMANN DWORAK & CUTLER Mortuaries and Crematories 7805 West Center Road Omaha, Nebraska 68124 (402) 391-3900

        Census records can tell you a lot of little known facts about your Hull Floyd ancestors, such as occupation. Occupation can tell you about your ancestor's social and economic status.

        There are 3,000 census records available for the last name Hull Floyd. Like a window into their day-to-day life, Hull Floyd census records can tell you where and how your ancestors worked, their level of education, veteran status, and more.

        There are 642 immigration records available for the last name Hull Floyd. Passenger lists are your ticket to knowing when your ancestors arrived in the UK, and how they made the journey - from the ship name to ports of arrival and departure.

        There are 1,000 military records available for the last name Hull Floyd. For the veterans among your Hull Floyd ancestors, military collections provide insights into where and when they served, and even physical descriptions.

        There are 3,000 census records available for the last name Hull Floyd. Like a window into their day-to-day life, Hull Floyd census records can tell you where and how your ancestors worked, their level of education, veteran status, and more.

        There are 642 immigration records available for the last name Hull Floyd. Passenger lists are your ticket to knowing when your ancestors arrived in the UK, and how they made the journey - from the ship name to ports of arrival and departure.

        There are 1,000 military records available for the last name Hull Floyd. For the veterans among your Hull Floyd ancestors, military collections provide insights into where and when they served, and even physical descriptions.

        The USS Oklahoma

        During World War II, a battleship was the largest type of ship you could find in the US Navy, and it had bigger guns than any other type of ship. When the USS Oklahoma was built in 1916, it was the largest and most advanced ship in the US Navy. The USS Oklahoma needed 2,166 sailors and marines to function properly, and could travel 20,000 miles without refueling. It weighed 11,000 tons and carried ten 14-inch guns. The guns on battleships are rated by the diameter of the ammunition used. A 14-inch gun has shells that are 14 inches in diameter and weigh about 1,400 pounds each. That means that each shell fired by one of these guns weighed about the same as three motorcycles. Each of the Oklahoma's guns could fire almost twelve miles.

        That is farther than anyone could see, even with binoculars or a telescope, so the Oklahoma had two airplanes it would use to find targets. They are called spotter planes.

        Sailors on the USS Oklahoma cleaning one of the 14-inch guns. The gun barrel for a 14-inch gun is over 53 feet long, which is longer than three average-sized cars (image NH 44422, courtesy of Naval Heritage & History Command).

        Sailors moving a 14-inch shell around the deck, by hand (image courtesy of the Library of Congress).

        The USS Oklahoma demonstrating its firepower during gunnery practice. Each shell fired by her 14-inch guns required 420 pounds of gunpowder (image 80-G-1023157, courtesy of Naval Heritage & History Command).

        The USS Oklahoma at the Puget Sound Naval Yard in Washington, September 28, 1940 (1256-40-1701, USS Oklahoma Memorial Association Collection, OHS).

        Oklahoma Historical Society | 800 Nazih Zuhdi Drive, Oklahoma City, OK 73105 | 405-521-2491
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        A reflection on George Floyd from our President & CEO

        Posted by: Stephanie J. Hull, President and CEO of Girls Inc.

        One year ago today, George Floyd was murdered, adding unbearable grief to the anguish so many were already feeling as the pandemic settled in.

        Later last year, in October, I heard a young man in a group of protesters say, with genuine disbelief and confusion, that he just couldn’t understand it: nearly six months had passed, and still this mess was not resolved. Protesters were still in the streets. Racism had not been addressed. Violence, hatred, and fear were still prevalent.

        Hearing him say that, I had two conflicting feelings.

        First, I was surprised that he was surprised. Racism and hatred born of the enslavement of human beings has been part of American history and culture since the first ship landed here carrying enslaved people more than 400 years ago it was part of ancient civilizations (including some in Africa) more than 1500 years before that. Six months, I thought, even with so many new voices in the fight, is nowhere near long enough to expect to see change.

        And then I was tempted to agree with him. Six months is far too long to expect people to go on accepting the unacceptable. Why can’t we expect to see immediate improvement? How much longer do I have to keep accepting a status quo that should simply not be, the pernicious remnants of something that should never have happened?

        The anniversary of Mr. Floyd’s killing has me reflecting again. Idealism is at the core of the work we do together, with and for girls, and it is at the core of the outrage and optimism that inspire us to try to make the world more equitable. Idealism is what makes us think six months is too long to wait for a kinder world, and it’s what helps us see our progress and believe deeply in the goodness of humankind—six months later, or a year later, or 400 years later.

        At the same time, we also need determination and persistence—recognizing that racism, sexism, inequity, and all forms of oppression have deep, deep roots, and that we are in this fight, with and for girls, for as long as it takes. In the words of Ella Baker, set to music by Bernice Johnson Reagon, “We who believe in freedom cannot rest.”

        Watch the video: Streets of Philadelphia, Kensington Ave Story, Heres What Happened Today, Tuesday, Sept 7, 2021.


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